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Simulacra-and-Simulation.txt
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Simulacra-and-Simulation.txt
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
I. The Precession of Simulacra
II. History: A Retro Scenario
III. Holocaust
IV. The China Syndrome
V. Apocalypse Now
VI. The Beaubourg Effect : Implosion and Deterrence
VII. Hypermarked and Hypercommodity
VIII. The Implosion of Meaning in the Media
IX. Absolute Advertising, Ground-Zero Advertising
X. Clone Story
XI. Holograms
XII. Crash
XIII. Simulacra and Science Fiction
XIV. The Animals: Territory and Metamorphoses
XV. The Remainder
XVI. The Spiraling Cadaver
XVII. Value's Last Tango
XVIII. On Nihilism
THE PRECESSION OF SIMULACRA
The simulacrum is never what hides the truth - it is truth that hides the fact that
there is none.
The simulacrum is true.
-Ecclesiastes
If once we were able to view the Borges fable in which the cartographers of the Empire
draw up a map so detailed that it ends up covering the territory exactly (the decline of the
Empire witnesses the fraying of this map, little by little, and its fall into ruins, though
some shreds are still discernible in the deserts - the metaphysical beauty of this ruined
abstraction testifying to a pride equal to the Empire and rotting like a carcass, returning
to the substance of the soil, a bit as the double ends by being confused with the real
through aging) - as the most beautiful allegory of simulation, this fable has now come full
circle for us, and possesses nothing but the discrete charm of second-order simulacra.*1
Today abstraction is no longer that of the map, the double, the mirror, or the concept.
Simulation is no longer that of a territory, a referential being, or a substance. It is the
generation by models of a real without origin or reality: a hyperreal. The territory no
longer precedes the map, nor does it survive it. It is nevertheless the map that precedes
the territory - precession of simulacra - that engenders the territory, and if one must
return to the fable, today it is the territory whose shreds slowly rot across the extent of
the map. It is the real, and not the map, whose vestiges persist here and there in the
deserts that are no longer those of the Empire, but ours. The desert of the real itself.
In fact, even inverted, Borges's fable is unusable. Only the allegory of the Empire,
perhaps, remains. Because it is with this same imperialism that present-day simulators
attempt to make the real, all of the real, coincide with their models of simulation. But it is
no longer a question of either maps or territories. Something has disappeared: the
sovereign difference, between one and the other, that constituted the charm of
abstraction. Because it is difference that constitutes the poetry of the map and the charm
of the territory, the magic of the concept and the charm of the real. This imaginary of
representation, which simultaneously culminates in and is engulfed by the cartographers
mad project of the ideal coextensivity of map and territory, disappears in the simulation
whose operation is nuclear and genetic, no longer at all specular or discursive. It is all of
metaphysics that is lost. No more mirror of being and appearances, of the real and its
concept. No more imaginary coextensivity: it is genetic miniaturization that is the
dimension of simulation. The real is produced from miniaturized cells, matrices, and
memory banks, models of control - and it can be reproduced an indefinite number of
times from these. It no longer needs to be rational, because it no longer measures itself
against either an ideal or negative instance. It is no longer anything but operational. In
fact, it is no longer really the real, because no imaginary envelops it anymore. It is a
hyperreal, produced from a radiating synthesis of combinatory models in a hyperspace
without atmosphere.
By crossing into a space whose curvature is no longer that of the real, nor that of truth,
the era of simulation is inaugurated by a liquidation of all referentials - worse: with their
artificial resurrection in the systems of signs, a material more malleable than meaning, in
that it lends itself to all systems of equivalences, to all binary oppositions, to all
combinatory algebra. It is no longer a question of imitation, nor duplication, nor even
parody. It is a question of substituting the signs of the real for the real, that is to say of an
operation of deterring every real process via its operational double, a programmatic,
metastable, perfectly descriptive machine that offers all the signs of the real and shortcircuits all its vicissitudes. Never again will the real have the chance to produce itself such is the vital function of the model in a system of death, or rather of anticipated
resurrection, that no longer even gives the event of death a chance. A hyperreal
henceforth sheltered from the imaginary, and from any distinction between the real and
the imaginary, leaving room only for the orbital recurrence of models and for the
simulated generation of differences.
THE DIVINE IRREFERENCE OF IMAGES
To dissimulate is to pretend not to have what one has. To simulate is to feign to have
what one doesn't have. One implies a presence, the other an absence. But it is more
complicated than that because simulating is not pretending: "Whoever fakes an illness
can simply stay in bed and make everyone believe he is ill. Whoever simulates an illness
produces in himself some of the symptoms" (Littré). Therefore, pretending, or
dissimulating, leaves the principle of reality intact: the difference is always clear, it is
simply masked, whereas simulation threatens the difference between the "true" and the
"false," the "real" and the "imaginary." Is the simulator sick or not, given that he
produces "true" symptoms? Objectively one cannot treat him as being either ill or not ill.
Psychology and medicine stop at this point, forestalled by the illness's henceforth
undiscoverable truth. For if any symptom can be "produced," and can no longer be taken
as a fact of nature, then every illness can be considered as simulatable and simulated, and
medicine loses its meaning since it only knows how to treat "real" illnesses according to
their objective causes. Psychosomatics evolves in a dubious manner at the borders of the
principle of illness. As to psychoanalysis, it transfers the symptom of the organic order to
the unconscious order: the latter is new and taken for "real" more real than the other - but
why would simulation be at the gates of the unconscious? Why couldn't the "work" of the
unconscious be "produced" in the same way as any old symptom of classical medicine?
Dreams already are.
Certainly, the psychiatrist purports that "for every form of mental alienation there is a
particular order in the succession of symptoms of which the simulator is ignorant and in
the absence of which the psychiatrist would not be deceived." This (which dates from
1865) in order to safeguard the principle of a truth at all costs and to escape the
interrogation posed by simulation - the knowledge that truth, reference, objective cause
have ceased to exist. Now, what can medicine do with what floats on either side of
illness, on either side of health, with the duplication of illness in a discourse that is no
longer either true or false? What can psychoanalysis do with the duplication of the
discourse of the unconscious in the discourse of simulation that can never again be
unmasked, since it is not false either?*2
What can the army do about simulators? Traditionally it unmasks them and punishes
them, according to a clear principle of identification. Today it can discharge a very good
simulator as exactly equivalent to a "real" homosexual, a heart patient, or a madman.
Even military psychology draws back from Cartesian certainties and hesitates to make
the distinction between true and false, between the "produced" and the authentic
symptom. "If he is this good at acting crazy, it's because he is." Nor is military
psychology mistaken in this regard: in this sense, all crazy people simulate, and this lack
of distinction is the worst kind of subversion. It is against this lack of distinction that
classical reason armed itself in all its categories. But it is what today again outflanks
them, submerging the principle of truth.
Beyond medicine and the army favored terrains of simulation, the question returns to
religion and the simulacrum of divinity: "I forbade that there be any simulacra in the
temples because the divinity that animates nature can never be represented." Indeed it can
be. But what becomes of the divinity when it reveals itself in icons, when it is multiplied
in simulacra? Does it remain the supreme power that is simply incarnated in images as a
visible theology? Or does it volatilize itself in the simulacra that, alone, deploy their
power and pomp of fascination - the visible machinery of icons substituted for the pure
and intelligible Idea of God? This is precisely what was feared by Iconoclasts, whose
millennial quarrel is still with us today.*3 This is precisely because they predicted this
omnipotence of simulacra, the faculty simulacra have of effacing God from the
conscience of man, and the destructive, annihilating truth that they allow to appear - that
deep down God never existed, that only the simulacrum ever existed, even that God
himself was never anything but his own simulacrum - from this came their urge to
destroy the images. If they could have believed that these images only obfuscated or
masked the Platonic Idea of God, there would have been no reason to destroy them. One
can live with the idea of distorted truth. But their metaphysical despair came from the
idea that the image didn't conceal anything at all, and that these images were in essence
not images, such as an original model would have made them, but perfect simulacra,
forever radiant with their own fascination. Thus this death of the divine referential must
be exorcised at all costs.
One can see that the iconoclasts, whom one accuses of disdaining and negating images,
were those who accorded them their true value, in contrast to the iconolaters who only
saw reflections in them and were content to venerate a filigree God. On the other hand,
one can say that the icon worshipers were the most modern minds, the most adventurous,
because, in the guise of having God become apparent in the mirror of images, they were
already enacting his death and his disappearance in the epiphany of his representations
(which, perhaps, they already knew no longer represented anything, that they were purely
a game, but that it was therein the great game lay - knowing also that it is dangerous to
unmask images, since they dissimulate the fact that there is nothing behind them).
This was the approach of the Jesuits, who founded their politics on the virtual
disappearance of God and on the worldly and spectacular manipulation of consciences the evanescence of God in the epiphany of power - the end of transcendence, which now
only serves as an alibi for a strategy altogether free of influences and signs. Behind the
baroqueness of images hides the éminence grise of politics.
This way the stake will always have been the murderous power of images, murderers of
the real, murderers of their own model, as the Byzantine icons could be those of divine
identity. To this murderous power is opposed that of representations as a dialectical
power, the visible and intelligible mediation of the Real. All Western faith and good faith
became engaged in this wager on representation: that a sign could refer to the depth of
meaning, that a sign could be exchanged for meaning and that something could guarantee
this exchange - God of course. But what if God himself can be simulated, that is to say
can be reduced to the signs that constitute faith? Then the whole system becomes
weightless, it is no longer itself anything but a gigantic simulacrum - not unreal, but a
simulacrum, that is to say never exchanged for the real, but exchanged for itself, in an
uninterrupted circuit without reference or circumference.
Such is simulation, insofar as it is opposed to representation. Representation stems from
the principle of the equivalence of the sign and of the real (even if this equivalence is
Utopian, it is a fundamental axiom). Simulation, on the contrary, stems from the Utopia
of the principle of equivalence, from the radical negation of the sign as value, from the
sign as the reversion and death sentence of every reference. Whereas representation
attempts to absorb simulation by interpreting it as a false representation, simulation
envelops the whole edifice of representation itself as a simulacrum.
Such would be the successive phases of the image:
it is the reflection of a profound reality;
it masks and denatures a profound reality;
it masks the absence of a profound reality;
it has no relation to any reality whatsoever;
it is its own pure simulacrum.
In the first case, the image is a good appearance - representation is of the sacramental
order. In the second, it is an evil appearance - it is of the order of maleficence. In the
third, it plays at being an appearance - it is of the order of sorcery. In the fourth, it is no
longer of the order of appearances, but of simulation.
The transition from signs that dissimulate something to signs that dissimulate that there is
nothing marks a decisive turning point. The first reflects a theology of truth and secrecy
(to which the notion of ideology still belongs). The second inaugurates the era of
simulacra and of simulation, in which there is no longer a God to recognize his own, no
longer a Last Judgment to separate the false from the true, the real from its artificial
resurrection, as everything is already dead and resurrected in advance.
When the real is no longer what it was, nostalgia assumes its full meaning. There is a
plethora of myths of origin and of signs of reality - a plethora of truth, of secondary
objectivity, and authenticity. Escalation of the true, of lived experience, resurrection of
the figurative where the object and substance have disappeared. Panic-stricken
production of the real and of the referential, parallel to and greater than the panic of
material production: this is how simulation appears in the phase that concerns us - a
strategy of the real, of the neoreal and the hyperreal that everywhere is the double of a
strategy of deterrence.
RAMSES, OR THE ROSY-COLORED RESURRECTION
Ethnology brushed up against its paradoxical death in 1971, the day when the Philippine
government decided to return the few dozen Tasaday who had just been discovered in the
depths of the jungle, where they had lived for eight centuries without any contact with the
rest of the species, to their primitive state, out of the reach of colonizers, tourists, and
ethnologists. This at the suggestion of the anthropologists themselves, who were seeing
the indigenous people disintegrate immediately upon contact, like mummies in the open
air.
In order for ethnology to live, its object must die; by dying, the object takes its revenge
for being "discovered" and with its death defies the science that wants to grasp it.
Doesn't all science live on this paradoxical slope to which it is doomed by the
evanescence of its object in its very apprehension, and by the pitiless reversal that the
dead object exerts on it? Like Orpheus, it always turns around too soon, and, like
Eurydice, its object falls back into Hades.
It is against this hell of the paradox that the ethnologists wished to protect themselves by
cordoning off the Tasaday with virgin forest. No one can touch them anymore: as in a
mine the vein is closed down. Science loses precious capital there, but the object will be
safe, lost to science, but intact in its "virginity." It is not a question of sacrifice (science
never sacrifices itself, it is always murderous), but of the simulated sacrifice of its object
in order to save its reality principle. The Tasaday, frozen in their natural element, will
provide a perfect alibi, an eternal guarantee. Here begins an antiethnology that will never
end and to which Jaulin, Castaneda, Clastres are various witnesses. In any case, the
logical evolution of a science is to distance itself increasingly from its object, until it
dispenses with it entirely: its autonomy is only rendered even more fantastic - it attains its
pure form.
The Indian thus returned to the ghetto, in the glass coffin of the virgin forest, again
becomes the model of simulation of all the possible Indians from before ethnology. This
model thus grants itself the luxury to incarnate itself beyond itself in the "brute" reality of
these Indians it has entirely reinvented - Savages who are indebted to ethnology for still
being Savages: what a turn of events, what a triumph for this science that seemed
dedicated to their destruction!
Of course, these savages are posthumous: frozen, cryogenized, sterilized, protected to
death, they have become referential simulacra, and science itself has become pure
simulation. The same holds true at Cruesot, at the level of the "open" museum where one
museumified in situ, as "historical" witnesses of their period, entire working-class
neighborhoods, living metallurgic zones, an entire culture, men, women, and children
included - gestures, languages, customs fossilized alive as in a snapshot. The museum,
instead of being circumscribed as a geometric site, is everywhere now, like a dimension
of life. Thus ethnology, rather than circumscribing itself as an objective science, will
today, liberated from its object, be applied to all living things and make itself invisible,
like an omnipresent fourth dimension, that of the simulacrum. We are all Tasadays,
Indians who have again become what they were - simulacral Indians who at last proclaim
the universal truth of ethnology.
We have all become living specimens in the spectral light of ethnology, or of
antiethnology, which is nothing but the pure form of triumphal ethnology, under the sign
of dead differences, and of the resurrection of differences. It is thus very naive to look for
ethnology in the Savages or in some Third World - it is here, everywhere, in the
metropolises, in the White community, in a world completely cataloged and analyzed,
then artificially resurrected under the auspices of the real, in a world of simulation, of the
hallucination of truth, of the blackmail of the real, of the murder of every symbolic form
and of its hysterical, historical retrospection - a murder of which the Savages, noblesse
oblige, were the first victims, but that for a long time has extended to all Western
societies.
But in the same breath ethnology grants us its only and final lesson, the secret that kills it
(and which the Savages knew better than it did): the vengeance of the dead.
The confinement of the scientific object is equal to the confinement of the mad and the
dead. And just as all of society is irremediably contaminated by this mirror of madness
that it has held up to itself, science can't help but die contaminated by the death of this
object that is its inverse mirror. It is science that masters the objects, but it is the objects
that invest it with depth, according to an unconscious reversion, which only gives a dead
and circular response to a dead and circular interrogation.
Nothing changes when society breaks the mirror of madness (abolishes the asylums,
gives speech back to the insane, etc.) nor when science seems to break the mirror of its
objectivity (effacing itself before its object, as in Castaneda, etc.) and to bend down
before the "differences." The form produced by confinement is followed by an
innumerable, diffracted, slowed-down mechanism. As ethnology collapses in its classical
institution, it survives in an antiethnology whose task it is to reinject the difference
fiction, the Savage fiction everywhere, to conceal that it is this world, ours, which has
again become savage in its way, that is to say, which is devastated by difference and by
death.
In the same way, with the pretext of saving the original, one forbade visitors to enter the
Lascaux caves, but an exact replica was constructed five hundred meters from it, so that
everyone could see them (one glances through a peephole at the authentic cave, and then
one visits the reconstituted whole). It is possible that the memory of the original grottoes
is itself stamped in the minds of future generations, but from now on there is no longer
any difference: the duplication suffices to render both artificial.
In the same way science and technology were recently mobilized to save the mummy of
Ramses II, after it was left to rot for several dozen years in the depths of a museum. The
West is seized with panic at the thought of not being able to save what the symbolic order
had been able to conserve for forty centuries, but out of sight and far from the light of
day. Ramses does not signify anything for us, only the mummy is of an inestimable worth
because it is what guarantees that accumulation has meaning. Our entire linear and
accumulative culture collapses if we cannot stockpile the past in plain view. To this end
the pharaohs must be brought out of their tomb and the mummies out of their silence. To
this end they must be exhumed and given military honors. They are prey to both science
and worms. Only absolute secrecy assured them this millennial power - the mastery over
putrefaction that signified the mastery of the complete cycle of exchanges with death. We
only know how to place our science in service of repairing the mummy, that is to say
restoring a visible order, whereas embalming was a mythical effort that strove to
immortalize a hidden dimension.
We require a visible past, a visible continuum, a visible myth of origin, which reassures
us about our end. Because finally we have never believed in them. Whence this historic
scene of the reception of the mummy at the Orly airport. Why? Because Ramses was a
great despotic and military figure? Certainly. But mostly because our culture dreams,
behind this defunct power that it tries to annex, of an order that would have had nothing
to do with it, and it dreams of it because it exterminated it by exhuming it as its own past.
We are fascinated by Ramses as Renaissance Christians were by the American Indians,
those (human?) beings who had never known the word of Christ. Thus, at the beginning
of colonization, there was a moment of stupor and bewilderment before the very
possibility of escaping the universal law of the Gospel. There were two possible
responses: either admit that this Law was not universal, or exterminate the Indians to
efface the evidence. In general, one contented oneself with converting them, or even
simply discovering them, which would suffice to slowly exterminate them.
Thus it would have been enough to exhume Ramses to ensure his extermination by
museumification. Because mummies don't rot from worms: they die from being
transplanted from a slow order of the symbolic, master over putrefaction and death, to an
order of history, science, and museums, our order, which no longer masters anything,
which only knows how to condemn what preceded it to decay and death and
subsequently to try to revive it with science. Irreparable violence toward all secrets, the
violence of a civilization without secrets, hatred of a whole civilization for its own
foundation.
And just as with ethnology, which plays at extricating itself from its object to better
secure itself in its pure form, demuseumification is nothing but another spiral in
artificiality. Witness the cloister of Saint-Michel de Cuxa, which one will repatriate at
great cost from the Cloisters in New York to reinstall it in "its original site." And
everyone is supposed to applaud this restitution (as they did "the experimental campaign
to take back the sidewalks" on the Champs Elysees!). Well, if the exportation of the
cornices was in effect an arbitrary act, if the Cloisters in New York are an artificial
mosaic of all cultures (following a logic of the capitalist centralization of value), their
reimportation to the original site is even more artificial: it is a total simulacrum that links
up with "reality" through a complete circumvolution.
The cloister should have stayed in New York in its simulated environment, which at least
fooled no one. Repatriating it is nothing but a supplementary subterfuge, acting as if
nothing had happened and indulging in retrospective hallucination.
In the same way, Americans flatter themselves for having brought the population of
Indians back to pre-Conquest levels. One effaces everything and starts over. They even
flatter themselves for doing better, for exceeding the original number. This is presented
as proof of the superiority of civilization: it will produce more Indians than they
themselves were able to do. (With sinister derision, this overproduction is again a means
of destroying them: for Indian culture, like all tribal culture, rests on the limitation of the
group and the refusal of any "unlimited" increase, as can be seen in Ishi's case. In this
way, their demographic "promotion" is just another step toward symbolic extermination.)
Everywhere we live in a universe strangely similar to the original - things are doubled by
their own scenario. But this doubling does not signify, as it did traditionally, the
imminence of their death - they are already purged of their death, and better than when
they were alive; more cheerful, more authentic, in the light of their model, like the faces
in funeral homes.
THE HYPERREAL AND THE IMAGINARY
Disneyland is a perfect model of all the entangled orders of simulacra. It is first of all a
play of illusions and phantasms: the Pirates, the Frontier, the Future World, etc. This
imaginary world is supposed to ensure the success of the operation. But what attracts the
crowds the most is without a doubt the social microcosm, the religious, miniaturized
pleasure of real America, of its constraints and joys. One parks outside and stands in line
inside, one is altogether abandoned at the exit. The only phantasmagoria in this
imaginary world lies in the tenderness and warmth of the crowd, and in the sufficient and
excessive number of gadgets necessary to create the multitudinous effect. The contrast
with the absolute solitude of the parking lot - a veritable concentration camp - is total. Or,
rather: inside, a whole panoply of gadgets magnetizes the crowd in directed flows outside, solitude is directed at a single gadget: the automobile. By an extraordinary
coincidence (but this derives without a doubt from the enchantment inherent to this
universe), this frozen, childlike world is found to have been conceived and realized by a
man who is himself now cryogenized: Walt Disney, who awaits his resurrection through
an increase of 180 degrees centigrade.
Thus, everywhere in Disneyland the objective profile of America, down to the
morphology of individuals and of the crowd, is drawn. All its values are exalted by the
miniature and the comic strip. Embalmed and pacified. Whence the possibility of an
ideological analysis of Disneyland (L. Marin did it very well in Utopiques, jeux d'espace
[Utopias, play of space]): digest of the American way of life, panegyric of American
values, idealized transposition of a contradictory reality. Certainly. But this masks
something else and this "ideological" blanket functions as a cover for a simulation of the
third order: Disneyland exists in order to hide that it is the "real" country, all of "real"
America that is Disneyland (a bit like prisons are there to hide that it is the social in its
entirety, in its banal omnipresence, that is carceral). Disneyland is presented as imaginary
in order to make us believe that the rest is real, whereas all of Los Angeles and the
America that surrounds it are no longer real, but belong to the hyperreal order and to the
order of simulation. It is no longer a question of a false representation of reality
(ideology) but of concealing the fact that the real is no longer real, and thus of saving the
reality principle.
The imaginary of Disneyland is neither true nor false, it is a deterrence machine set up in
order to rejuvenate the fiction of the real in the opposite camp. Whence the debility of
this imaginary, its infantile degeneration. This world wants to be childish in order to
make us believe that the adults are elsewhere, in the "real" world, and to conceal the fact
that true childishness is everywhere - that it is that of the adults themselves who come
here to act the child in order to foster illusions as to their real childishness.
Disneyland is not the only one, however. Enchanted Village, Magic Mountain, Marine
World: Los Angeles is surrounded by these imaginary stations that feed reality, the
energy of the real to a city whose mystery is precisely that of no longer being anything
but a network of incessant, unreal circulation - a city of incredible proportions but
without space, without dimension. As much as electrical and atomic power stations, as
much as cinema studios, this city, which is no longer anything but an immense scenario
and a perpetual pan shot, needs this old imaginary like a sympathetic nervous system
made up of childhood signals and faked phantasms.
Disneyland: a space of the regeneration of the imaginary as waste-treatment plants are
elsewhere, and even here. Everywhere today one must recycle waste, and the dreams, the
phantasms, the historical, fairylike, legendary imaginary of children and adults is a waste
product, the first great toxic excrement of a hyperreal civilization. On a mental level,
Disneyland is the prototype of this new function. But all the sexual, psychic, somatic
recycling institutes, which proliferate in California, belong to the same order. People no
longer look at each other, but there are institutes for that. They no longer touch each
other, but there is contactotherapy. They no longer walk, but they go jogging, etc.
Everywhere one recycles lost faculties, or lost bodies, or lost sociality, or the lost taste
for food. One reinvents penury, asceticism, vanished savage naturalness: natural food,
health food, yoga. Marshall Sahlins's idea that it is the economy of the market, and not of
nature at all, that secretes penury, is verified, but at a secondary level: here, in the
sophisticated confines of a triumphal market economy is reinvented a penury/sign, a
penury/simulacrum, a simulated behavior of the underdeveloped (including the adoption
of Marxist tenets) that, in the guise of ecology, of energy crises and the critique of
capital, adds a final esoteric aureole to the triumph of an esoteric culture. Nevertheless,
maybe a mental catastrophe, a mental implosion and involution without precedent lies in
wait for a system of this kind, whose visible signs would be those of this strange obesity,
or the incredible coexistence of the most bizarre theories and practices, which correspond
to the improbable coalition of luxury, heaven, and money, to the improbable luxurious
materialization of life and to undiscoverable contradictions.
POLITICAL INCANTATION
Watergate. The same scenario as in Disneyland (effect of the imaginary concealing that
reality no more exists outside than inside the limits of the artificial perimeter): here the
scandal effect hiding that there is no difference between the facts and their denunciation
(identical methods on the part of the CIA and of the Washington Post journalists). Same
operation, tending to regenerate through scandal a moral and political principle, through
the imaginary, a sinking reality principle.
The denunciation of scandal is always an homage to the law. And Watergate in particular
succeeded in imposing the idea that Watergate was a scandal - in this sense it was a
prodigious operation of intoxication. A large dose of political morality reinjected on a
world scale. One could say along with Bourdieu: "The essence of every relation of force
is to dissimulate itself as such and to acquire all its force only because it dissimulates
itself as such," understood as follows: capital, immoral and without scruples, can only
function behind a moral superstructure, and whoever revives this public morality
(through indignation, denunciation, etc.) works spontaneously for the order of capital.
This is what the journalists of the Washington Post did.
But this would be nothing but the formula of ideology, and when Bourdieu states it, he
takes the "relation of force" for the truth of capitalist domination, and he himself
denounces this relation of force as scandal - he is thus in the same deterministic and
moralistic position as the Washington Post journalists are. He does the same work of
purging and reviving moral order, an order of truth in which the veritable symbolic
violence of the social order is engendered, well beyond all the relations of force, which
are only its shifting and indifferent configuration in the moral and political consciences
of men.
All that capital asks of us is to receive it as rational or to combat it in the name of
rationality, to receive it as moral or to combat it in the name of morality. Because these
are the same, which can be thought of in another way: formerly one worked to
dissimulate scandal - today one works to conceal that there is none.
Watergate is not a scandal, this is what must be said at all costs, because it is what
everyone is busy concealing, this dissimulation masking a strengthening of morality, of a
moral panic as one approaches the primitive (mise en) scène of capital: its instantaneous
cruelty, its incomprehensible ferocity, its fundamental immorality - that is what is
scandalous, unacceptable to the system of moral and economic equivalence that is the
axiom of leftist thought, from the theories of the Enlightenment up to Communism. One
imputes this thinking to the contract of capital, but it doesn't give a damn - it is a
monstrous unprincipled enterprise, nothing more. It is "enlightened" thought that seeks to
control it by imposing rules on it. And all the recrimination that replaces revolutionary
thought today comes back to incriminate capital for not following the rules of the game.
"Power is unjust, its justice is a class justice, capital exploits us, etc." - as if capital were
linked by a contract to the society it rules. It is the Left that holds out the mirror of
equivalence to capital hoping that it will comply, comply with this phantasmagoria of the
social contract and fulfill its obligations to the whole of society (by the same token, no
need for revolution: it suffices that capital accommodate itself to the rational formula of
exchange).
Capital, in fact, was never linked by a contract to the society that it dominates. It is a
sorcery of social relations, it is a challenge to society, and it must be responded to as
such. It is not a scandal to be denounced according to moral or economic rationality, but
a challenge to take up according to symbolic law.
MÖBIUS - SPIRALING NEGATIVETY
Watergate was thus nothing but a lure held out by the system to catch its adversaries - a
simulation of scandal for regenerative ends. In the film, this is embodied by the character
of "Deep Throat," who was said to be the eminence grise of the Republicans,
manipulating the left-wing journalists in order to get rid of Nixon - and why not? All
hypotheses are possible, but this one is superfluous: the Left itself does a perfectly good
job, and spontaneously, of doing the work of the Right. Besides, it would be naive to see
an embittered good conscience at work here. Because manipulation is a wavering
causality in which positivity and negativity are engendered and overlap, in which there is
no longer either an active or a passive. It is through the arbitrary cessation of this
spiraling causality that a principle of political reality can be saved. It is through the
simulation of a narrow, conventional field of perspective in which the premises and the
consequences of an act or of an event can be calculated, that a political credibility can be
maintained (and of course "objective" analysis, the struggle, etc.). If one envisions the
entire cycle of any act or event in a system where linear continuity and dialectical
polarity no longer exist, in a field unhinged by simulation, all determination evaporates,
every act is terminated at the end of the cycle having benefited everyone and having been
scattered in all directions.
Is any given bombing in Italy the work of leftist extremists, or extreme-right provocation,
or a centrist mise-en-scène to discredit all extreme terrorists and to shore up its own
failing power, or again, is it a police-inspired scenario and a form of blackmail to public
security? All of this is simultaneously true, and the search for proof, indeed the
objectivity of the facts does not put an end to this vertigo of interpretation. That is, we are
in a logic of simulation, which no longer has anything to do with a logic of facts and an
order of reason. Simulation is characterized by a precession of the model, of all the
models based on the merest fact - the models come first, their circulation, orbital like that
of the bomb, constitutes the genuine magnetic field of the event. The facts no longer have
a specific trajectory, they are born at the intersection of models, a single fact can be
engendered by all the models at once. This anticipation, this precession, this short circuit,
this confusion of the fact with its model (no more divergence of meaning, no more
dialectical polarity, no more negative electricity, implosion of antagonistic poles), is what
allows each time for all possible interpretations, even the most contradictory - all true, in
the sense that their truth is to be exchanged, in the image of the models from which they
derive, in a generalized cycle.
The Communists attack the Socialist Party as if they wished to shatter the union of the
Left. They give credence to the idea that these resistances would come from a more
radical political need. In fact, it is because they no longer want power. But do they not
want power at this juncture, one unfavorable to the Left in general, or unfavorable to
them within the Union of the Left - or do they no longer want it, by definition? When
Berlinguer declares: "There is no need to be afraid to see the Communists take power in
Italy," it simultaneously signifies:
-: that there is no need to be afraid, since the Communists, if they come to power, will
change nothing of its fundamental capitalist mechanism;
-: that there is no risk that they will ever come to power (because they don't want to) and even if they occupy the seat of power, they will never exercise it except by proxy;
-: that in fact, power, genuine power no longer exists, and thus there is no risk whoever
seizes power or seizes it again;
-: but further: I, Berlinguer, am not afraid to see the Communists take power in Italy which may seem self-evident, but not as much as you might think, because
-: it could mean the opposite (no need for psychoanalysis here): I am afraid to see the
Communists take power (and there are good reasons for that, even for a Communist).
All of this is simultaneously true. It is the secret of a discourse
that is no longer simply ambiguous, as political discourses can be, but that conveys the
impossibility of a determined position of power, the impossibility of a determined
discursive position. And this logic is neither that of one party nor of another. It traverses
all discourses without them wanting it to.
Who will unravel this imbroglio? The Gordian knot can at least be cut. The Möbius strip,
if one divides it, results in a supplementary spiral without the reversibility of surfaces
being resolved (here the reversible continuity of hypotheses). Hell of simulation, which is
no longer one of torture, but of the subtle, maleficent, elusive twisting of meaning*4 where even the condemned at Burgos are still a gift from Franco to Western democracy,
which seizes the occasion to regenerate its own flagging humanism and whose indignant
protest in turn consolidates Franco's regime by uniting the Spanish masses against this
foreign intervention? Where is the truth of all that, when such collusions admirably knot
themselves together without the knowledge of their authors?
Conjunction of the system and of its extreme alternative like the two sides of a curved
mirror, a "vicious" curvature of a political space that is henceforth magnetized,
circularized, reversibilized from the right to the left, a torsion that is like that of the evil
spirit of commutation, the whole system, the infinity of capital folded back on its own
surface: transfinite? And is it not the same for desire and the libidinal space? Conjunction
of desire and value, of desire and capital. Conjunction of desire and the law, the final
pleasure as the metamorphosis of the law (which is why it is so widely the order of the
day): only capital takes pleasure, said Lyotard, before thinking that we now take pleasure
in capital. Overwhelming versatility of desire in Deleuze, an enigmatic reversal that
brings desire "revolutionary in itself, and as if involuntarily, wanting what it wants," to
desire its own repression and to invest in paranoid and fascist systems? A malign torsion
that returns this revolution of desire to the same fundamental ambiguity as the other, the
historical revolution.
All the referentials combine their discourses in a circular, Möbian compulsion. Not so
long ago, sex and work were fiercely opposed terms; today both are dissolved in the same
type of demand. Formerly the discourse on history derived its power from violently
opposing itself to that of nature, the discourse of desire to that of power - today they
exchange their signifiers and their scenarios.
It would take too long to traverse the entire range of the operational negativity of all
those scenarios of deterrence, which, like Watergate, try to regenerate a moribund
principle through simulated scandal, phantasm, and murder - a sort of hormonal treatment
through negativity and crisis. It is always a question of proving the real through the
imaginary, proving truth through scandal, proving the law through transgression, proving
work through striking, proving the system through crisis, and capital through revolution,
as it is elsewhere (the Tasaday) of proving ethnology through the dispossession of its
object - without taking into account:
the proof of theater through antitheater;
the proof of art through antiart;
the proof of pedagogy through antipedagogy;
the proof of psychiatry through antipsychiatry, etc.
Everything is metamorphosed into its opposite to perpetuate itself in its expurgated form.
All the powers, all the institutions speak of themselves through denial, in order to
attempt, by simulating death, to escape their real death throes. Power can stage its own
murder to rediscover a glimmer of existence and legitimacy. Such was the case with
some American presidents: the Kennedys were murdered because they still had a political
dimension. The others, Johnson, Nixon, Ford, only had the right to phantom attempts, to
simulated murders. But this aura of an artificial menace was still necessary to conceal
that they were no longer anything but the mannequins of power. Formerly, the king (also
the god) had to die, therein lay his power. Today, he is miserably forced to feign death, in
order to preserve the blessing of power. But it is lost.
To seek new blood in its own death, to renew the cycle through the mirror of crisis,
negativity, and antipower: this is the only solution - alibi of every power, of every
institution attempting to break the vicious circle of its irresponsibility and of its
fundamental nonexistence, of its already seen and of its already dead.
THE STRATEGY OF THE REAL
The impossibility of rediscovering an absolute level of the real is of the same order as the
impossibility of staging illusion. Illusion is no longer possible, because the real is no
longer possible. It is the whole political problem of parody, of hypersimulation or
offensive simulation, that is posed here.
For example: it would be interesting to see whether the repressive apparatus would not
react more violently to a simulated holdup than to a real holdup. Because the latter does
nothing but disturb the order of things, the right to property, whereas the former attacks
the reality principle itself. Transgression and violence are less serious because they only
contest the distribution of the real. Simulation is infinitely more dangerous because it
always leaves open to supposition that, above and beyond its object, law and order
themselves might be nothing but simulation.
But the difficulty is proportional to the danger. How to feign a violation and put it to the
test? Simulate a robbery in a large store: how to persuade security that it is a simulated
robbery? There is no "objective" difference: the gestures, the signs are the same as for a
real robbery, the signs do not lean to one side or another. To the established order they
are always of the order of the real.
Organize a fake holdup. Verify that your weapons are harmless, and take the most
trustworthy hostage, so that no human life will be in danger (or one lapses into the
criminal). Demand a ransom, and make it so that the operation creates as much
commotion as possible - in short, remain close to the "truth," in order to test the reaction
of the apparatus to a perfect simulacrum. You won't be able to do it: the network of
artificial signs will become inextricably mixed up with real elements (a policeman will
really fire on sight; a client of the bank will faint and die of a heart attack; one will
actually pay you the phony ransom), in short, you will immediately find yourself once
again, without wishing it, in the real, one of whose functions is precisely to devour any
attempt at simulation, to reduce everything to the real - that is, to the established order
itself, well before institutions and justice come into play.
It is necessary to see in this impossibility of isolating the process of simulation the weight
of an order that cannot see and conceive of anything but the real, because it cannot
function anywhere else. The simulation of an offense, if it is established as such, will
either be punished less severely (because it has no "consequences") or punished as an
offense against the judicial system (for example if one sets in motion a police operation
"for nothing") - but never as simulation since it is precisely as such that no equivalence
with the real is possible, and hence no repression either. The challenge of simulation is
never admitted by power. How can the simulation of virtue be punished? However, as
such it is as serious as the simulation of crime. Parody renders submission and
transgression equivalent, and that is the most serious crime, because it cancels out the
difference upon which the law is based. The established order can do nothing against it,
because the law is a simulacrum of the second order, whereas simulation is of the third
order, beyond true and false, beyond equivalences, beyond rational distinctions upon
which the whole of the social and power depend. Thus, lacking the real, it is there that we
must aim at order.
This is certainly why order always opts for the real. When in doubt, it always prefers this
hypothesis (as in the army one prefers to take the simulator for a real madman). But this
becomes more and more difficult, because if it is practically impossible to isolate the
process of simulation, through the force of inertia of the real that surrounds us, the
opposite is also true (and this reversibility itself is part of the apparatus of simulation and
the impotence of power): namely, it is now impossible to isolate the process of the real,
or to prove the real.
This is how all the holdups, airplane hijackings, etc. are now in some sense simulation
holdups in that they are already inscribed in the decoding and orchestration rituals of the
media, anticipated in their presentation and their possible consequences. In short, where
they function as a group of signs dedicated exclusively to their recurrence as signs, and
no longer at all to their "real" end. But this does not make them harmless. On the
contrary, it is as hyperreal events, no longer with a specific content or end, but
indefinitely refracted by each other (just like so-called historical events: strikes,
demonstrations, crises, etc.),*5 it is in this sense that they cannot be controlled by an
order that can only exert itself on the real and the rational, on causes and ends, a
referential order that can only reign over the referential, a determined power that can only
reign over a determined world, but that cannot do anything against this indefinite
recurrence of simulation, against this nebula whose weight no longer obeys the laws of
gravitation of the real, power itself ends by being dismantled in this space and becoming
a simulation of power (disconnected from its ends and its objectives, and dedicated to the
effects of power and mass simulation).
The only weapon of power, its only strategy against this defection, is to reinject the real
and the referential everywhere, to persuade us of the reality of the social, of the gravity of
the economy and the finalities of production. To this end it prefers the discourse of crisis,
but also, why not? that of desire. "Take your desires for reality!" can be understood as the
ultimate slogan of power since in a nonreferential world, even the confusion of the reality
principle and the principle of desire is less dangerous than contagious hyperreality. One
remains among principles, and among those power is always in the right.
Hyperreality and simulation are deterrents of every principle and every objective, they
turn against power the deterrent that it used so well for such a long time. Because in the
end, throughout its history it was capital that first fed on the destructuration of every
referential, of every human objective, that shattered every ideal distinction between true
and false, good and evil, in order to establish a radical law of equivalence and exchange,
the iron law of its power. Capital was the first to play at deterrence, abstraction,
disconnection, deterritorialization, etc., and if it is the one that fostered reality, the reality
principle, it was also the first to liquidate it by exterminating all use value, all real
equivalence of production and wealth, in the very sense we have of the unreality of the
stakes and the omnipotence of manipulation. Well, today it is this same logic that is even
more set against capital. And as soon as it wishes to combat this disastrous spiral by
secreting a last glimmer of reality, on which to establish a last glimmer of power, it does
nothing but multiply the signs and accelerate the play of simulation.
As long as the historical threat came at it from the real, power played at deterrence and
simulation, disintegrating all the contradictions by dint of producing equivalent signs.
Today when the danger comes at it from simulation (that of being dissolved in the play of
signs), power plays at the real, plays at crisis, plays at remanufacturing artificial, social,
economic, and political stakes. For power, it is a question of life and death. But it is too
late.
Whence the characteristic hysteria of our times: that of the production and reproduction
of the real. The other production, that of values and commodities, that of the belle epoque
of political economy, has for a long time had no specific meaning. What every society
looks for in continuing to produce, and to overproduce, is to restore the real that escapes
it. That is why today this "material" production is that of the hyperreal itself. It retains all
the features, the whole discourse of traditional production, but it is no longer anything but
its scaled-down refraction (thus hyper-realists fix a real from which all meaning and
charm, all depth and energy of representation have vanished in a hallucinatory
resemblance). Thus everywhere the hyperrealism of simulation is translated by the
hallucinatory resemblance of the real to itself.
Power itself has for a long time produced nothing but the signs of its resemblance. And at
the same time, another figure of power comes into play: that of a collective demand for
signs of power - a holy union that is reconstructed around its disappearance. The whole
world adheres to it more or less in terror of the collapse of the political. And in the end
the game of power becomes nothing but the critical obsession with power - obsession
with its death, obsession with its survival, which increases as it disappears. When it has
totally disappeared, we will logically be under the total hallucination of power - a
haunting memory that is already in evidence everywhere, expressing at once the
compulsion to get rid of it (no one wants it anymore, everyone unloads it on everyone
else) and the panicked nostalgia over its loss. The melancholy of societies without power:
this has already stirred up fascism, that overdose of a strong referential in a society that
cannot terminate its mourning.
With the extenuation of the political sphere, the president comes increasingly to resemble
that Puppet of Power who is the head of primitive societies (Clastres).
All previous presidents pay for and continue to pay for Kennedy's murder as if they were
the ones who had suppressed it - which is true phantasmatically, if not in fact. They must
efface this defect and this complicity with their simulated murder. Because, now it can
only be simulated. Presidents Johnson and Ford were both the object of failed
assassination attempts which, they were not staged, were at least perpetrated by
simulation. The Kennedys died because they incarnated something: the political, political
substance, whereas the new presidents are nothing but caricatures and fake film curiously, Johnson, Nixon, Ford, all have this simian mug, the monkeys of power.
Death is never an absolute criterion, but in this case it is significant: the era of James
Dean, Marilyn Monroe, and the Kennedys, of those who really died simply because they
had a mythic dimension that implies death (not for romantic reasons, but because of the
fundamental principle of reversal and exchange) - this era is long gone. It is now the era
of murder by simulation, of the generalized aesthetic of simulation, of the murder-alibi the allegorical resurrection of death, which is only there to sanction the institution of
power, without which it no longer has any substance or an autonomous reality.
These staged presidential assassinations are revealing because they signal the status of all
negativity in the West: political opposition, the "Left," critical discourse, etc. - a
simulacral contrast through which power attempts to break the vicious circle of its
nonexistence, of its fundamental irresponsibility, of its "suspension." Power floats like
money, like language, like theory. Criticism and negativity alone still secrete a phantom
of the reality of power. If they become weak for one reason or another, power has no
other recourse but to artificially revive and hallucinate them.
It is in this way that the Spanish executions still serve as a stimulant to Western liberal
democracy, to a dying system of democratic values. Fresh blood, but for how much
longer? The deterioration of all power is irresistibly pursued: it is not so much the
"revolutionary forces" that accelerate this process (often it is quite the opposite), it is the
system itself that deploys against its own structures this violence that annuls all substance
and all finality. One must not resist this process by trying to confront the system and
destroy it, because this system that is dying from being dispossessed of its death expects
nothing but that from us: that we give the system back its death, that we revive it through
the negative. End of revolutionary praxis, end of the dialectic. Curiously, Nixon, who
was not even found worthy of dying at the hands of the most insignificant, chance,
unbalanced person (and though it is perhaps true that presidents are assassinated by
unbalanced types, this changes nothing: the leftist penchant for detecting a rightist
conspiracy beneath this brings out a false problem - the function of bringing death to, or
the prophecy, etc., against power has always been fulfilled, from primitive societies to
the present, by demented people, crazy people, or neurotics, who nonetheless carry out a
social function as fundamental as that of presidents), was nevertheless ritually put to
death by Watergate. Watergate is still a mechanism for the ritual murder of power (the
American institution of the presidency is much more thrilling in this regard than the
European: it surrounds itself with all the violence and vicissitudes of primitive powers, of
savage rituals). But already impeachment is no longer assassination: it happens via the
Constitution. Nixon has nevertheless arrived at the goal of which all power dreams: to be
taken seriously enough, to constitute a mortal enough danger to the group to be one day
relieved of his duties, denounced, and liquidated. Ford doesn't even have this opportunity
anymore: a simulacrum of an already dead power, he can only accumulate against
himself the signs of reversion through murder - in fact, he is immunized by his
impotence, which infuriates him.
In contrast to the primitive rite, which foresees the official and sacrificial death of the
king (the king or the chief is nothing without the promise of his sacrifice), the modern
political imaginary goes increasingly in the direction of delaying, of concealing for as
long as possible, the death of the head of state. This obsession has accumulated since the
era of revolutions and of charismatic leaders: Hitler, Franco, Mao, having no
"legitimate" heirs, no filiation of power, see themselves forced to perpetuate themselves
indefinitely - popular myth never wishes to believe them dead. The pharaohs already did
this: it was always one and the same person who incarnated the successive pharaohs.
Everything happens as if Mao or Franco had already died several times and had been
replaced by his double. From a political point of view, that a head of state remains the
same or is someone else doesn't strictly change anything, so long as they resemble each
other. For a long time now a head of state - no matter which one - is nothing but the
simulacrum of himself, and only that gives him the power and the quality to govern. No
one would grant the least consent, the least devotion to a real person. It is to his double,
he being always already dead, to which allegiance is given. This myth does nothing but
translate the persistence, and at the same time the deception, of the necessity of the king's
sacrificial death.
We are still in the same boat: no society knows how to mourn the real, power, the social
itself, which is implicated in the same loss. And it is through an artificial revitalization of
all this that we try to escape this fact. This situation will no doubt end up giving rise to
socialism. Through an unforeseen turn of events and via an irony that is no longer that of
history, it is from the death of the social that socialism will emerge, as it is from the death
of God that religions emerge. A twisted advent, a perverse event, an unintelligible
reversion to the logic of reason. As is the fact that power is in essence no longer present
except to conceal that there is no more power. A simulation that can last indefinitely,
because, as distinct from "true" power - which is, or was, a structure, a strategy, a relation
of force, a stake - it is nothing but the object of a social demand, and thus as the object of
the law of supply and demand, it is no longer subject to violence and death. Completely
purged of a political dimension, it, like any other commodity, is dependent on mass
production and consumption. Its spark has disappeared, only the fiction of a political
universe remains.
The same holds true for work. The spark of production, the violence of its stakes no
longer exist. The whole world still produces, and increasingly, but subtly work has
become something else: a need (as Marx ideally envisioned it but not in the same sense),
the object of a social "demand," like leisure, to which it is equivalent in the course of
everyday life. A demand exactly proportional to the loss of a stake in the work process.*6
Same change in fortune as for power: the scenario of work is there to conceal that the real
of work, the real of production, has disappeared. And the real of the strike as well, which
is no longer a work stoppage, but its alternate pole in the ritual scansion of the social
calendar. Everything occurs as if each person had, after declaring a strike, "occupied" his
place and work station and recommenced production, as is the norm in a "self-managed"
occupation, exactly in the same terms as before, all while declaring himself (and in
virtually being) permanently on strike.
This is not a dream out of science fiction: everywhere it is a question of doubling the
process of work. And of a doubling of the process of going on strike - striking
incorporated just as obsolescence is in objects, just as crisis is in production. So, there is
no longer striking, nor work, but both simultaneously, that is to say something else: a
magic of work, a trompel'oeil, a scenodrama (so as not to say a melodrama) of
production, a collective dramaturgy on the empty stage of the social.
It is no longer a question of the ideology of work - the traditional ethic that would
obscure the "real" process of work and the "objective" process of exploitation - but of the
scenario of work. In the same way, it is no longer a question of the ideology of power,
but of the scenario of power. Ideology only corresponds to a corruption of reality through
signs; simulation corresponds to a short circuit of reality and to its duplication through
signs. It is always the goal of the ideological analysis to restore the objective process, it is
always a false problem to wish to restore the truth beneath the simulacrum.
This is why in the end power is so much in tune with ideological discourses and
discourses on ideology, that is they are discourses of truth - always good for countering
the mortal blows of simulation, even and especially if they are revolutionary.
THE END OF THE PANOPTICON
It is still to this ideology of lived experience - exhumation of the real in its fundamental
banality, in its radical authenticity - that the American TV verite experiment attempted on
the Loud family in 1971 refers: seven months of uninterrupted shooting, three hundred
hours of nonstop broadcasting, without a script or a screenplay, the odyssey of a family,
its dramas, its joys, its unexpected events, nonstop - in short, a "raw" historical
document, and the "greatest television performance, comparable, on the scale of our dayto-day life, to the footage of our landing on the moon." It becomes more complicated
because this family fell apart during the filming: a crisis erupted, the Louds separated,
etc. Whence that insoluble controversy: was TV itself responsible? What would have
happened if TV hadn't been there?
More interesting is the illusion of filming the Louds as if TV weren't there. The
producer's triumph was to say: "They lived as if we were not there." An absurd,
paradoxical formula - neither true nor false: Utopian. The "as if we were not there" being
equal to "as if you were there." It is this Utopia, this paradox that fascinated the twenty
million viewers, much more than did the "perverse" pleasure of violating someone's
privacy. In the "verite" experience it is not a question of secrecy or perversion, but of a
sort of frisson of the real, or of an aesthetics of the hyperreal, a frisson of vertiginous and
phony exactitude, a frisson of simultaneous distancing and magnification, of distortion of
scale, of an excessive transparency. The pleasure of an excess of meaning, when the bar
of the sign falls below the usual waterline of meaning: the nonsignifier is exalted by the
camera angle. There one sees what the real never was (but "as if you were there"),
without the distance that gives us perspectival space and depth vision (but "more real
than nature"). Pleasure in the microscopic simulation that allows the real to pass into the
hyperreal. (This is also somewhat the case in porno, which is fascinating more on a
metaphysical than on a sexual level.)
Besides, this family was already hyperreal by the very nature of its selection: a typical
ideal American family, California home, three garages, five children, assured social and
professional status, decorative housewife, upper-middle-class standing. In a way it is this
statistical perfection that dooms it to death. Ideal heroine of the American way of life, it
is, as in ancient sacrifices, chosen in order to be glorified and to die beneath the flames of
the medium, a modern fatum. Because heavenly fire no longer falls on corrupted cities, it
is the camera lens that, like a laser, comes to pierce lived reality in order to put it to
death. "The Louds: simply a family who agreed to deliver themselves into the hands of
television, and to die by it," the director will say. Thus it is a question of a sacrificial
process, of a sacrificial spectacle offered to twenty million Americans. The liturgical
drama of a mass society.
TV verite. A term admirable in its ambiguity, does it refer to the truth of this family or to
the truth of TV? In fact, it is TV that is the truth of the Louds, it is TV that is true, it is
TV that renders true. Truth that is no longer the reflexive truth of the mirror, nor the
perspectival truth of the panoptic system and of the gaze, but the manipulative truth of
the test that sounds out and interrogates, of the laser that touches and pierces, of
computer cards that retain your preferred sequences, of the genetic code that controls
your combinations, of cells that inform your sensory universe. It is to this truth that the
Loud family was subjected by the medium of TV, and in this sense it amounts to a death
sentence (but is it still a question of truth?).
End of the panoptic system. The eye of TV is no longer the source of an absolute gaze,
and the ideal of control is no longer that of transparency. This still presupposes an
objective space (that of the Renaissance) and the omnipotence of the despotic gaze. It is
still, if not a system of confinement, at least a system of mapping. More subtly, but
always externally, playing on the opposition of seeing and being seen, even if the
panoptic focal point may be blind.
Something else in regard to the Louds. "You no longer watch TV, it is TV that watches
you (live)," or again: "You are no longer listening to Don't Panic, it is Don't Panic that is
listening to you" - a switch from the panoptic mechanism of surveillance (Discipline and
Punish [Surveiller et punir]) to a system of deterrence, in which the distinction between
the passive and the active is abolished. There is no longer any imperative of submission
to the model, or to the gaze "YOU are the model!" "YOU are the majority!" Such is the
watershed of a hyperreal sociality, in which the real is confused with the model, as in the
statistical operation, or with the medium, as in the Louds' operation. Such is the last stage
of the social relation, ours, which is no longer one of persuasion (the classical age of
propaganda, of ideology, of publicity, etc.) but one of deterrence: "YOU are information,
you are the social, you are the event, you are involved, you have the word, etc." An
about-face through which it becomes impossible to locate one instance of the model, of
power, of the gaze, of the medium itself, because you are always already on the other
side. No more subject, no more focal point, no more center or periphery: pure flexion or
circular inflexion. No more violence or surveillance: only "information," secret virulence,
chain reaction, slow implosion, and simulacra of spaces in which the effect of the real
again comes into play.
We are witnessing the end of perspectival and panoptic space (which remains a moral
hypothesis bound up with all the classical analyses on the "objective" essence of power),
and thus to the very abolition of the spectacular. Television, for example in the case of
the Louds, is no longer a spectacular medium. We are no longer in the society of the
spectacle, of which the situationists spoke, nor in the specific kinds of alienation and
repression that it implied. The medium itself is no longer identifiable as such, and the
confusion of the medium and the message (McLuhan)*7 is the first great formula of this
new era. There is no longer a medium in the literal sense: it is now intangible, diffused,
and diffracted in the real, and one can no longer even say that the medium is altered by it.
Such a blending, such a viral, endemic, chronic, alarming presence of the medium,
without the possibility of isolating the effects - spectralized, like these advertising laser
sculptures in the empty space of the event filtered by the medium - dissolution of TV in
life, dissolution of life in TV - indiscernible chemical solution: we are all Louds doomed
not to invasion, to pressure, to violence and blackmail by the media and the models, but
to their induction, to their infiltration, to their illegible violence.
But one must watch out for the negative turn that discourse imposes: it is a question
neither of disease nor of a viral infection. One must think instead of the media as if they
were, in outer orbit, a kind of genetic code that directs the mutation of the real into the
hyperreal, just as the other micromolecular code controls the passage from a
representative sphere of meaning to the genetic one of the programmed signal.
It is the whole traditional world of causality that is in question: the perspectival,
determinist mode, the "active," critical mode, the analytic mode - the distinction between
cause and effect, between active and passive, between subject and object, between the
end and the means. It is in this sense that one can say: TV is watching us, TV alienates
us, TV manipulates us, TV informs us ... In all this, one remains dependent on the
analytical conception of the media, on an external active and effective agent, on
"perspectival" information with the horizon of the real and of meaning as the vanishing
point.
Now, one must conceive of TV along the lines of DNA as an effect in which the
opposing poles of determination vanish, according to a nuclear contraction, retraction, of
the old polar schema that always maintained a minimal distance between cause and
effect, between subject and object: precisely the distance of meaning, the gap, the
difference, the smallest possible gap (PPEP!),*8 irreducible under pain of reabsorption
into an aleatory and indeterminate process whose discourse can no longer account for it,
because it is itself a determined order.
It is this gap that vanishes in the process of genetic coding, in which indeterminacy is not
so much a question of molecular randomness as of the abolition, pure and simple, of the
relation. In the process of molecular control, which "goes" from the DNA nucleus to the
"substance" that it "informs," there is no longer the traversal of an effect, of an energy, of
a determination, of a message. "Order, signal, impulse, message": all of these attempt to
render the thing intelligible to us, but by analogy, retranscribing in terms of inscription,
of a vector, of decoding, a dimension of which we know nothing - it is no longer even a
"dimension," or perhaps it is the fourth (which is denned, however, in Einsteinian
relativity by the absorption of the distinct poles of space and time). In fact, this whole
process can only be understood in its negative form: nothing separates one pole from
another anymore, the beginning from the end; there is a kind of contraction of one over
the other, a fantastic telescoping, a collapse of the two traditional poles into each other:
implosion - an absorption of the radiating mode of causality, of the differential mode of
determination, with its positive and negative charge - an implosion of meaning. That is
where simulation begins.
Everywhere, in no matter what domain - political, biological, psychological, mediatized in which the distinction between these two poles can no longer be maintained, one enters
into simulation, and thus into absolute manipulation - not into passivity, but into the
differentiation of the active and the passive. DNA realizes this aleatory reduction at the
level of living matter. Television, in the case of the Louds, also reaches this indefinite
limit in which, vis-à-vis TV, they are neither more nor less active or passive than a living
substance is vis-a-vis its molecular code. Here and there, a single nebula whose simple
elements are indecipherable, whose truth is indecipherable.
THE ORBITAL AND THE NUCLEAR
The apotheosis of simulation: the nuclear. However, the balance of terror is never
anything but the spectacular slope of a system of deterrence that has insinuated itself
from the inside into all the cracks of daily life. Nuclear suspension only serves to seal the
trivialized system of deterrence that is at the heart of the media, of the violence without
consequences that reigns throughout the world, of the aleatory apparatus of all the
choices that are made for us. The most insignificant of our behaviors is regulated by
neutralized, indifferent, equivalent signs, by zero-sum signs like those that regulate the
"strategy of games" (but the true equation is elsewhere, and the unknown is precisely that
variable of simulation which makes of the atomic arsenal itself a hyperreal form, a
simulacrum that dominates everything and reduces all "ground-level" events to being
nothing but ephemeral scenarios, transforming the life left us into survival, into a stake
without stakes - not even into a life insurance policy: into a policy that already has no
value).
It is not the direct threat of atomic destruction that paralyzes our lives, it is deterrence
that gives them leukemia. And this deterrence comes from that fact that even the real
atomic clash is precluded - precluded like the eventuality of the real in a system of signs.
The whole world pretends to believe in the reality of this threat (this is understandable on
the part of the military, the gravity of their exercise and the discourse of their "strategy"
are at stake), but it is precisely at this level that there are no strategic stakes. The whole
originality of the situation lies in the improbability of destruction.
Deterrence precludes war - the archaic violence of expanding systems. Deterrence itself
is the neutral, implosive violence of metastable systems or systems in involution. There is
no longer a subject of deterrence, nor an adversary nor a strategy - it is a planetary
structure of the annihilation of stakes. Atomic war, like the Trojan War, will not take
place. The risk of nuclear annihilation only serves as a pretext, through the sophistication
of weapons (a sophistication that surpasses any possible objective to such an extent that it
is itself a symptom of nullity), for installing a universal security system, a universal
lockup and control system whose deterrent effect is not at all aimed at an atomic clash
(which was never in question, except without a doubt in the very initial stages of the cold
war, when one still confused the nuclear apparatus with conventional war) but, rather, at
the much greater probability of any real event, of anything that would be an event in the
general system and upset its balance. The balance of terror is the terror of balance.
Deterrence is not a strategy, it circulates and is exchanged between nuclear protagonists
exactly as is international capital in the orbital zone of monetary speculation whose
fluctuations suffice to control all global exchanges. Thus the money of destruction
(without any reference to real destruction, any more than floating capital has a real
referent of production) that circulates in nuclear orbit suffices to control all the violence
and potential conflicts around the world.
What is hatched in the shadow of this mechanism with the pretext of a maximal,
"objective," threat, and thanks to Damocles' nuclear sword, is the perfection of the best
system of control that has ever existed. And the progressive satellization of the whole
planet through this hypermodel of security.
The same goes for peaceful nuclear power stations. Pacification does not distinguish
between the civil and the military: everywhere where irreversible apparatuses of control
are elaborated, everywhere where the notion of security becomes omnipotent,
everywhere where the norm replaces the old arsenal of laws and violence (including
war), it is the system of deterrence that grows, and around it grows the historical, social,
and political desert. A gigantic involution that makes every conflict, every finality, every
confrontation contract in proportion to this blackmail that interrupts, neutralizes, freezes
them all. No longer can any revolt, any story be deployed according to its own logic
because it risks annihilation. No strategy is possible any longer, and escalation is only a
puerile game given over to the military. The political stake is dead, only simulacra of
conflicts and carefully circumscribed stakes remain.
The "space race" played exactly the same role as nuclear escalation. This is why the
space program was so easily able to replace it in the 1960s (Kennedy/Khrushchev), or to
develop concurrently as a form of "peaceful coexistence." Because what, ultimately, is
the function of the space program, of the conquest of the moon, of the launching of
satellites if not the institution of a model of universal gravitation, of satellization of
which the lunar module is the perfect embryo? Programmed microcosm, where nothing
can be left to chance. Trajectory, energy, calculation, physiology, psychology,
environment - nothing can be left to contingencies, this is the total universe of the norm the Law no longer exists, it is the operational immanence of every detail that is law. A
universe purged of all threat of meaning, in a state of asepsis and weightlessness - it is
this very perfection that is fascinating. The exaltation of the crowds was not a response to
the event of Rinding on the moon or of sending a man into space (this would be, rather,
the fulfillment of an earlier dream), rather, we are dumbfounded by the perfection of the
programming and the technical manipulation, by the immanent wonder of the
programmed unfolding of events. Fascination with the maximal norm and the mastery of
probability. Vertigo of the model, which unites with the model of death, but without fear
or drive. Because if the law, with its aura of transgression, if order, with its aura of
violence, still taps a perverse imaginary, the norm fixes, fascinates, stupefies, and makes
every imaginary involute. One no longer fantasizes about the minutiae of a program. Just
watching it produces vertigo. The vertigo of a world without flaws.
Now, it is the same model of programmatic infallibility, of maximum security and
deterrence that today controls the spread of the social. There lies the true nuclear fallout:
the meticulous operation of technology serves as a model for the meticulous operation of
the social. Here as well, nothing will be left to chance, moreover this is the essence of
socialization, which began centuries ago, but which has now entered its accelerated
phase, toward a limit that one believed would be explosive (revolution), but which for the
moment is translated by an inverse, implosive, irreversible process: the generalized
deterrence of chance, of accident, of transversality, of finality, of contradiction, rupture,
or complexity in a sociality illuminated by the norm, doomed to the descriptive
transparency of mechanisms of information. In fact, the spatial and nuclear models do not
have their own ends: neither the discovery of the moon, nor military and strategic
superiority. Their truth is to be the models of simulation, the model vectors of a system of
planetary control (where even the superpowers of this scenario are not free - the whole
world is satellized).*9
Resist the evidence: in satellization, he who is satellized is not who one might think.
Through the orbital inscription of a spatial object, it is the planet earth that becomes a
satellite, it is the terrestrial principle of reality that becomes eccentric, hyperreal, and