The following text is encoded in accordance with EpiDoc standards and with the CTS/CITE Architecture
- + +optical character recognition
optical character recognition
+The following text is encoded in accordance with EpiDoc standards and with the CTS/CITE Architecture
The following text is encoded in accordance with EpiDoc standards and with the CTS/CITE Architecture
optical character recognition
optical character recognition
+The following text is encoded in accordance with EpiDoc standards and with the CTS/CITE Architecture
optical character recognition
optical character recognition
optical character recognition
+The following text is encoded in accordance with EpiDoc standards and with the CTS/CITE Architecture
optical character recognition
optical character recognition
optical character recognition
optical character recognition
optical character recognition
optical character recognition
optical character recognition
optical character recognition
optical character recognition
+The following text is encoded in accordance with EpiDoc standards and with the CTS/CITE Architecture
optical character recognition
The following text is encoded in accordance with EpiDoc standards and with the CTS/CITE Architecture
optical character recognition
+The following text is encoded in accordance with EpiDoc standards and with the CTS/CITE Architecture
optical character recognition
optical character recognition
+The following text is encoded in accordance with EpiDoc standards and with the CTS/CITE Architecture
optical character recognition
optical character recognition
+The following text is encoded in accordance with EpiDoc standards and with the CTS/CITE Architecture
optical character recognition
-
-
-
οὐ παύεται μεγαληγορῶν περὶ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ δυνάμεως ἀξίας μὲν
- ἐγκωμίων οὔσης· τίς γὰρ οὔ φησιν; ἀλλὰ
-
εἰκότως δυσχεραίνομεν ὡς ἀμούσως καὶ παρανόμως;
-
οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καίπερ οὕτω τούτων ἐχόντων, ἔστιν ᾗ παρακινδυνεύσειεν
- ἂν ὁ πολιτικὸς ἀνὴρ ἅψασθαι τῆς καλουμένης; περιαυτολογίας πρὸς
- οὐδεμίαν αὑτοῦ δόξαν ἢ χάριν, ἀλλὰ καιροῦ καὶ πράξεως
-
ἔστιν οὖν κενὸς ἔπαινος ὁ τῶν ἑαυτοὺς ἐπαινεῖν, ὅπως ἐπαινεθῶσι,
- δοκούντων καὶ καταφρονεῖται
-
ταῦτα μὲν οὖν δῆλον ὅτι φυλακτέον.
-
αὑτὸν δʼ ἐπαινεῖν ἀμέμπτως ἔστι πρῶτον μέν, ἂν ἀπολογούμενος τοῦτο
- ποιῇς πρὸς διαβολὴν ἢ κατηγορίαν, ὡς ὁ Περικλῆς· καίτοι ἐμοὶ
- τοιούτῳ ἀνδρὶ ὀργίζεσθε, ὃς οὐδενὸς ἥσσων οἴομαι εἶναι γνῶναὶ τε
- τὰ δέοντα καὶ ἑρμηνεῦσαι ταῦτα, φιλόπολίς τε
-
ἡμεῖς τοι πατέρων μέγʼ ἀμείνονες εὐχόμεθʼ
- εἶναι,
-
-
οὐδὲ γὰρ αὐτὸς ἀκούσας κακῶς ἀλλʼ ὑπὲρ τοῦ φίλου λοιδορηθέντος
- ἠμύνατο, τῇ περιαυτολογίᾳ παρρησίαν
-
οὐ μόνον δὲ κρινομένοις καὶ κινδυνεύουσιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ δυστυχοῦσι μᾶλλον
- ἁρμόζει μεγαλαυχία καὶ
-πύκτης ὅπως εἰς
- τοιοῦτοι δʼ εἴπερ μοι ἐείκοσιν ἀντεβόλησαν.
καὶ Φωκίων τἄλλα πρᾶος ἦν· μετὰ δὲ τὴν καταδίκην ἄλλοις τε
- πολλοῖς διεδείκνυε τὴν μεγαλοφροσύνην, καὶ πρὸς ἕνα τῶν συναποθνῃσκόντων
- ὀδυρόμενον τί λέγεισ
εἶπεν
- οὗτος;
-
ἔτι τοίνυν οὐχ ἧττον ἀλλὰ καὶ μᾶλλον ἀδικουμένῳ τῷ πολιτικῷ δέδοται
- τὸ λέγειν τι περὶ
-
-
ὑβρισθεὶς; δὲ παρʼ ἀξίαν καὶ προπηλακισθεὶς ἐφίησι τὴν
- μεγαλαυχίαν τῇ ὀργῇ·
- δώδεκα γὰρ
καί
-
δέχεται γὰρ ἡ παρρησία, μέρος οὖσα τῆς δικαιολογίας, τὴν
- μεγαληγορίαν. ἀμέλει δὲ καὶ Θεμιστοκλῆς οὐδὲν ἐπὶ τῶν πράξεων εἰπὼν
- οὐδὲ ποιήσας ἐπαχθές, ὁπηνίκα τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἑώρα μεστοὺς ὄντας
- αὐτοῦ
-τί, ὦ μακάριοι,
-
καὶ ἔτι χειμαζόμενοι μὲν ὥσπερ ὑπὸ δένδρον ὑποφεύγετε, γενομένης δʼ εὐδίας
- τίλλετε παρεξιόντες.
οὗτοι μὲν οὖν ἄλλως ἀδικούμενοι τῶν κατωρθωμένων
οὐ πόρρω δὲ τούτου τεταγμένον ἔχει τινὰ χάριν
-εἶτʼ
ἔφη ποῖός τις ὑμῖν δοκῶ εἶναι πολίτης, ὃς τοσοῦτον χρόνον τὰ δημόσια
-
καὶ ὁ Κικέρων, τοῦ Μετέλλου πρὸς αὐτὸν εἰπόντος ὅτι
- πλείονας ἀνῄρηκε καταμαρτυρήσας ἢ συνηγορήσας σέσωκε, τίς δʼ
εἶπεν
- οὔ φησιν ἐν ἐμοὶ πλέον εἶναι πίστεως ἢ δεινότητος;
καὶ τὰ δʼ οὐκ ἂν
καὶ τί ἂν
-
καὶ
-
οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῦτο χρήσιμόν ἐστιν ἐν ἐκείνῳ τῷ λόγῳ καταμαθεῖν,
- ὅτι μιγνύων ἐμμελέστατα τῷ περὶ αὑτοῦ λόγῳ τὸν περὶ τῶν ἀκουόντων
- ἔπαινον ἀνεπίφθονον ἐποίει καὶ ἀφίλαυτον· οἵους
-διʼ ὑμᾶς γʼ
-
εἶπεν ὦ ἄνδρες Θηβαῖοι, μεθʼ ὧν μόνον ἐν ἡμέρᾳ μιᾷ κατέλυσα
- τὴν Λακεδαιμονίων ἀρχήν.
ἐπεὶ δὲ τῷ μὲν ἑαυτὸν ἐπαινοῦντι πολεμοῦσιν οἱ πολλοὶ σφόδρα καὶ
- ἄχθονται, τῷ δʼ ἑτέρους οὐχ ὁμοίως, ἀλλὰ καὶ χαίρουσι πολλάκις καὶ
-σὺ γὰρ οὐ τοιοῦτος;
Ἀλέξανδρος μὲν οὖν Ἡρακλέα τιμῶν καὶ
- πάλιν Ἀλέξανδρον Ἀνδρόκοττος,
ταῦτα μὲν οὖν καὶ ἄλλως ἐπίστασθαι καὶ
- ἐπεὶ δὴ τόνδʼ ἄνδρα θεοὶ δαμάσασθαι ἔδωκαν
-ἀγαθῷ δαίμονι
καθιερώσας· ἄριστα δὲ Πύθων ὁ
- Αἴνιος, ἐπειδὴ Κότυν ἀποκτείνας ἧκεν εἰς Ἀθήνας
-ταῦτʼ
εἶπεν ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι,
- θεός τις ἔπραξεν, ἡμεῖς δὲ τὰς χεῖρας ἐχρήσαμεν
ἀφῄρει δὲ καὶ
- Σύλλας τὸν φθόνον ἀεὶ
-
ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ἴσως πρὸς τοὺς παντάπασι χαλεποὺς καὶ βασκάνους ἀνάγκη
- τὰ φάρμακα καὶ τὰ οὐ λίθοις
τοιούτου τινὸς ἔοικεν ἅπτεσθαι. καὶ τὸ τοῦ Περικλέους
- ἔτι μᾶλλον· ὀλοφυρόμενοι
-
- οὔ τίς τοι θεός εἰμι· τί μʼ ἀθανάτοισιν ἐίσκεις;
-θείωσ
καὶ τὸ δαιμονίωσ
καὶ τὸ
- μεγάλωσ
ἐν ταῖς ἐπιδείξεσι προσδεχόμενοι, καὶ τὸ μετρίωσ
καὶ
- τὸ ἀνθρωπίνωσ
προσαπολλύουσι.
-
καὶ μὴν ὥσπερ οἱ τοὺς ὀφθαλμιῶντας ἐνοχλεῖν φυλαττόμενοι τοῖς ἄγαν
- λαμπροῖς σκιάν τινα παραμιγνύουσιν, οὕτως ἔνιοι τοὺς αὑτῶν ἐπαίνους μὴ
- παντελῶς λαμπροὺς μηδʼ ἀκράτους προσφέροντες, ἀλλά τινας ἐλλείψεις ἢ
- ἀποτεύξεις ἢ ἁμαρτίας
- ʼ
-
καὶ πάλιν
-
-
-τοιοῦτόν ἐστιν
ἔφη τὸ ἐνδελεχὲς καὶ φιλόπονον
-
καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ἔξωθεν ἔστιν ἐπεισάγεσθαι φάρμακα τῆς περιαυτολογίας.
- ἕτερα δʼ αὐτοῖς τρόπον
-
-
καὶ τὸ
-
ὡς γὰρ οἰκίαν καὶ χωρίον, οὕτω καὶ δόξαν οἱ πολλοὶ
-
ἐπεὶ δʼ οὐ μόνον ἀλύπως καὶ ἀνεπιφθόνως ἀλλὰ καὶ χρησίμως καὶ
- ὠφελίμως προσοιστέον ἐστὶ
- ἄμμες ποτʼ
οἱ δὲ τῶν παίδων ἄμμες
- δὲ γʼ ἐσσόμεθα πολλῷ κάρρονες
-
οἱ δὲ ἄμμες δὲ γʼ εἰμές αἰ
- δὲ λῇς, αὐγάσδεο·
-
οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ καταπλήξεως ἐνιαχοῦ καὶ συστολῆς ἕνεκα καὶ τοῦ
- ταπεινῶσαι καὶ λαβεῖν
-
- δυστήνων δέ τε παῖδες ἐμῷ μένει ἀντιόωσι.
-
- τί δʼ ἐμοῦ γε μείζων ἐκεῖνος, εἰ μὴ καὶ δικαιότερος;
καὶ πρὸς
- τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους
-ἡμεῖς μὲν γʼ ὑμᾶς βραχυλογοῦντας ἐπαύσαμεν
ἀλλὰ
-ἐμεγαληγόρει ἄλλοτε δʼ οὐ μεγαλήγορος ἦν.
καὶ
- Ἀντίγονος ὁ δεύτερος τἄλλα μὲν ἦν ἄτυφος καὶ μέτριος,
-οὐχ ὁρᾷς, ὅσῳ πλείους εἰσὶν αἱ πολέμιαι νῆες;
δὲ γʼ
- αὐτόν
εἶπε πρὸς πόσας ἀντιτάττετε;
καὶ
-
οὐ γάρ ἐστι δημαγωγοῦντος οὐδὲ σοφιστιῶντος ὁ
-
ὅτι μὲν οὖν τὸ πρὸς ἔπαινον ἀλλότριον καὶ δόξαν ἀντιπαραβάλλειν
- ἑαυτὸν ἥκιστα πολιτικόν, εἴρηται πρότερον· οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ὅπου βλάπτει
- καὶ διαφθείρει ζῆλον ἐμποιῶν πρὸς τὰ φαῦλα καὶ προαίρεσιν πονηρὰν ἐν
- πράγμασι μεγάλοις ἡμαρτημένος
-ἀλλʼ οὐ τὸ ποιεῖν, ὦ βέλτιστε, κλαίειν καὶ δακρύειν, τὸ δὲ παύειν
- λυπουμένους καὶ κλαίοντας σεμνόν ἐστιν.
ἐπαινῶν γὰρ ἑαυτὸν ὠφελεῖ
- τὸν ἀκούοντα καὶ μετατίθησι τὴν κρίσιν. οὕτω καὶ ὁ Ζήνων πρὸς τὸ
- πλῆθος τῶν Θεοφράστου μαθητῶν ὁ κείνου
μείζων, οὑμὸς
- δὲ συμφωνότερος.
καὶ ὁ Φωκίων, ἔτι τοῦ Λεωσθένους εὐημεροῦντος,
- ὑπὸ τῶν ῥητόρων ἐρωτώμενος τί τὴν πόλιν αὐτὸς ἀγαθὸν πεποίηκεν, οὐδέν
εἶπεν ἀλλʼ ἢ ὑμᾶς, ἐμοῦ στρατηγοῦντος, ἐπιτάφιον
- λόγον μὴ εἰπεῖν ἀλλὰ πάντας
-
πάνυ δὲ χαριέντως
- καὶ ὁ Κράτης πρὸς τὸ
-
ἀντέγραψε τὸ
-
-
-
λείπεται ὁ ἡμῖν, τοῦ λόγου τὸ ἐφεξῆς ἀπαιτοῦντος καὶ παρακαλοῦντος,
- εἰπεῖν ὅπως ἂν ἕκαστος ἐκφύγοι τὸ ἐπαινεῖν ἀκαίρως ἑαυτόν. μέγα
- γὰρ ἡ περιαυτολογία τὴν φιλαυτίαν ὁρμητήριον ἔχουσα, καὶ τοῖς πάνυ
- δοκοῦσι μετρίως ἔχειν πρὸς δόξαν
-
δεύτερον αἱ Πάτροκλον
-
ἀλλὰ μὴν καὶ τὸ περὶ τοὺς ψόγους καὶ τὰς καταιτιάσεις γένος ἐπισφαλές
- ἐστι καὶ παρέχον ἐκτροπὰς τοῖς περὶ δόξαν νοσοῦσιν. ᾧ μάλιστα
- περιπίπτουσιν οἱ γέροντες, ὅταν εἰς τὸ νουθετεῖν ἑτέρους
-
ἔτι τοίνυν τοῖς μὲν πρὸς τοὺς γέλωτας εὐκαταφόροις
-
-
-
πρὸς τεῖχος ἀναβαίνων.
ἐγὼ μὲν δεικνύω
ἐσπουδακώς, οἱ δὲ πάλιν ἐπεμυκτήρισαν.
ἐν ἅπασιν οὖν τούτοις εὐλαβητέον ὡς ἔνι μάλιστα, μήτε συνεκπίπτοντα
- τοῖς ἐπαίνοις μήτε ταῖς
-συμβολὰς ταύτας ἀποτίνειν μεγίστασ
λέγουσιν, ὡς ὁ παρὰ Μενάνδρῳ
-
-
οὐ παύεται μεγαληγορῶν περὶ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ δυνάμεως ἀξίας μὲν ἐγκωμίων οὔσης· τίς γὰρ οὔ φησιν; ἀλλὰ
εἰκότως δυσχεραίνομεν ὡς ἀμούσως καὶ παρανόμως;
οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καίπερ οὕτω τούτων ἐχόντων, ἔστιν ᾗ παρακινδυνεύσειεν ἂν ὁ πολιτικὸς ἀνὴρ ἅψασθαι τῆς καλουμένης; περιαυτολογίας πρὸς οὐδεμίαν αὑτοῦ δόξαν ἢ χάριν, ἀλλὰ καιροῦ καὶ πράξεως
ἔστιν οὖν κενὸς ἔπαινος ὁ τῶν ἑαυτοὺς ἐπαινεῖν, ὅπως ἐπαινεθῶσι, δοκούντων καὶ καταφρονεῖται
αὑτὸν δʼ ἐπαινεῖν ἀμέμπτως ἔστι πρῶτον μέν, ἂν ἀπολογούμενος τοῦτο ποιῇς πρὸς διαβολὴν ἢ κατηγορίαν, ὡς ὁ Περικλῆς· καίτοι ἐμοὶ τοιούτῳ ἀνδρὶ ὀργίζεσθε, ὃς οὐδενὸς ἥσσων οἴομαι εἶναι γνῶναὶ τε τὰ δέοντα καὶ ἑρμηνεῦσαι ταῦτα, φιλόπολίς τε
ἡμεῖς τοι πατέρων μέγʼ ἀμείνονες εὐχόμεθʼ εἶναι,
οὐδὲ γὰρ αὐτὸς ἀκούσας κακῶς ἀλλʼ ὑπὲρ τοῦ φίλου λοιδορηθέντος ἠμύνατο, τῇ περιαυτολογίᾳ παρρησίαν
οὐ μόνον δὲ κρινομένοις καὶ κινδυνεύουσιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ δυστυχοῦσι μᾶλλον ἁρμόζει μεγαλαυχία καὶ πύκτης ὅπως εἰς
τοιοῦτοι δʼ εἴπερ μοι ἐείκοσιν ἀντεβόλησαν.
καὶ Φωκίων τἄλλα πρᾶος ἦν· μετὰ δὲ τὴν καταδίκην ἄλλοις τε πολλοῖς διεδείκνυε τὴν μεγαλοφροσύνην, καὶ πρὸς ἕνα τῶν συναποθνῃσκόντων ὀδυρόμενον τί λέγεις
εἶπεν οὗτος;
ἔτι τοίνυν οὐχ ἧττον ἀλλὰ καὶ μᾶλλον ἀδικουμένῳ τῷ πολιτικῷ δέδοται τὸ λέγειν τι περὶ
ὑβρισθεὶς; δὲ παρʼ ἀξίαν καὶ προπηλακισθεὶς ἐφίησι τὴν μεγαλαυχίαν τῇ ὀργῇ· δώδεκα γὰρ
καί
δέχεται γὰρ ἡ παρρησία, μέρος οὖσα τῆς δικαιολογίας, τὴν μεγαληγορίαν. ἀμέλει δὲ καὶ Θεμιστοκλῆς οὐδὲν ἐπὶ τῶν πράξεων εἰπὼν οὐδὲ ποιήσας ἐπαχθές, ὁπηνίκα τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἑώρα μεστοὺς ὄντας αὐτοῦ τί, ὦ μακάριοι,
καὶ ἔτι χειμαζόμενοι μὲν ὥσπερ ὑπὸ δένδρον ὑποφεύγετε, γενομένης δʼ εὐδίας τίλλετε παρεξιόντες.
οὗτοι μὲν οὖν ἄλλως ἀδικούμενοι τῶν κατωρθωμένων
οὐ πόρρω δὲ τούτου τεταγμένον ἔχει τινὰ χάριν εἶτʼ
ἔφη ποῖός τις ὑμῖν δοκῶ εἶναι πολίτης, ὃς τοσοῦτον χρόνον τὰ δημόσια
καὶ ὁ Κικέρων, τοῦ Μετέλλου πρὸς αὐτὸν εἰπόντος ὅτι πλείονας ἀνῄρηκε καταμαρτυρήσας ἢ συνηγορήσας σέσωκε, τίς δʼ
εἶπεν οὔ φησιν ἐν ἐμοὶ πλέον εἶναι πίστεως ἢ δεινότητος;
καὶ τὰ δʼ οὐκ ἂν
καὶ τί ἂν
καὶ
οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῦτο χρήσιμόν ἐστιν ἐν ἐκείνῳ τῷ λόγῳ καταμαθεῖν, ὅτι μιγνύων ἐμμελέστατα τῷ περὶ αὑτοῦ λόγῳ τὸν περὶ τῶν ἀκουόντων ἔπαινον ἀνεπίφθονον ἐποίει καὶ ἀφίλαυτον· οἵους διʼ ὑμᾶς γʼ
εἶπεν ὦ ἄνδρες Θηβαῖοι, μεθʼ ὧν μόνον ἐν ἡμέρᾳ μιᾷ κατέλυσα τὴν Λακεδαιμονίων ἀρχήν.
ἐπεὶ δὲ τῷ μὲν ἑαυτὸν ἐπαινοῦντι πολεμοῦσιν οἱ πολλοὶ σφόδρα καὶ ἄχθονται, τῷ δʼ ἑτέρους οὐχ ὁμοίως, ἀλλὰ καὶ χαίρουσι πολλάκις καὶ σὺ γὰρ οὐ τοιοῦτος;
Ἀλέξανδρος μὲν οὖν Ἡρακλέα τιμῶν καὶ πάλιν Ἀλέξανδρον Ἀνδρόκοττος,
ταῦτα μὲν οὖν καὶ ἄλλως ἐπίστασθαι καὶ ἐπεὶ δὴ τόνδʼ ἄνδρα θεοὶ δαμάσασθαι ἔδωκαν
ἀγαθῷ δαίμονι
καθιερώσας· ἄριστα δὲ Πύθων ὁ Αἴνιος, ἐπειδὴ Κότυν ἀποκτείνας ἧκεν εἰς Ἀθήνας ταῦτʼ
εἶπεν ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, θεός τις ἔπραξεν, ἡμεῖς δὲ τὰς χεῖρας ἐχρήσαμεν
ἀφῄρει δὲ καὶ Σύλλας τὸν φθόνον ἀεὶ
ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ἴσως πρὸς τοὺς παντάπασι χαλεποὺς καὶ βασκάνους ἀνάγκη τὰ φάρμακα καὶ τὰ οὐ λίθοις
τοιούτου τινὸς ἔοικεν ἅπτεσθαι. καὶ τὸ τοῦ Περικλέους ἔτι μᾶλλον· ὀλοφυρόμενοι οὔ τίς τοι θεός εἰμι· τί μʼ ἀθανάτοισιν ἐίσκεις;
θείως
καὶ τὸ δαιμονίως
καὶ τὸ μεγάλως
ἐν ταῖς ἐπιδείξεσι προσδεχόμενοι, καὶ τὸ μετρίως
καὶ τὸ ἀνθρωπίνως
προσαπολλύουσι.
καὶ μὴν ὥσπερ οἱ τοὺς ὀφθαλμιῶντας ἐνοχλεῖν φυλαττόμενοι τοῖς ἄγαν λαμπροῖς σκιάν τινα παραμιγνύουσιν, οὕτως ἔνιοι τοὺς αὑτῶν ἐπαίνους μὴ παντελῶς λαμπροὺς μηδʼ ἀκράτους προσφέροντες, ἀλλά τινας ἐλλείψεις ἢ ἀποτεύξεις ἢ ἁμαρτίας ʼ
καὶ πάλιν
τοιοῦτόν ἐστιν
ἔφη τὸ ἐνδελεχὲς καὶ φιλόπονον
καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ἔξωθεν ἔστιν ἐπεισάγεσθαι φάρμακα τῆς περιαυτολογίας. ἕτερα δʼ αὐτοῖς τρόπον
καὶ τὸ
ὡς γὰρ οἰκίαν καὶ χωρίον, οὕτω καὶ δόξαν οἱ πολλοὶ
ἐπεὶ δʼ οὐ μόνον ἀλύπως καὶ ἀνεπιφθόνως ἀλλὰ καὶ χρησίμως καὶ ὠφελίμως προσοιστέον ἐστὶ ἄμμες ποτʼ
οἱ δὲ τῶν παίδων ἄμμες δὲ γʼ ἐσσόμεθα πολλῷ κάρρονες
οἱ δὲ ἄμμες δὲ γʼ εἰμές αἰ δὲ λῇς, αὐγάσδεο·
οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ καταπλήξεως ἐνιαχοῦ καὶ συστολῆς ἕνεκα καὶ τοῦ ταπεινῶσαι καὶ λαβεῖν
δυστήνων δέ τε παῖδες ἐμῷ μένει ἀντιόωσι.
τί δʼ ἐμοῦ γε μείζων ἐκεῖνος, εἰ μὴ καὶ δικαιότερος;
καὶ πρὸς τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἡμεῖς μὲν γʼ ὑμᾶς βραχυλογοῦντας ἐπαύσαμεν
ἀλλὰ ἐμεγαληγόρει ἄλλοτε δʼ οὐ μεγαλήγορος ἦν.
καὶ Ἀντίγονος ὁ δεύτερος τἄλλα μὲν ἦν ἄτυφος καὶ μέτριος, οὐχ ὁρᾷς, ὅσῳ πλείους εἰσὶν αἱ πολέμιαι νῆες;
δὲ γʼ αὐτόν
εἶπε πρὸς πόσας ἀντιτάττετε;
καὶ
οὐ γάρ ἐστι δημαγωγοῦντος οὐδὲ σοφιστιῶντος ὁ
ὅτι μὲν οὖν τὸ πρὸς ἔπαινον ἀλλότριον καὶ δόξαν ἀντιπαραβάλλειν ἑαυτὸν ἥκιστα πολιτικόν, εἴρηται πρότερον· οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ὅπου βλάπτει καὶ διαφθείρει ζῆλον ἐμποιῶν πρὸς τὰ φαῦλα καὶ προαίρεσιν πονηρὰν ἐν πράγμασι μεγάλοις ἡμαρτημένος ἀλλʼ οὐ τὸ ποιεῖν, ὦ βέλτιστε, κλαίειν καὶ δακρύειν, τὸ δὲ παύειν λυπουμένους καὶ κλαίοντας σεμνόν ἐστιν.
ἐπαινῶν γὰρ ἑαυτὸν ὠφελεῖ τὸν ἀκούοντα καὶ μετατίθησι τὴν κρίσιν. οὕτω καὶ ὁ Ζήνων πρὸς τὸ πλῆθος τῶν Θεοφράστου μαθητῶν ὁ κείνου
μείζων, οὑμὸς δὲ συμφωνότερος.
καὶ ὁ Φωκίων, ἔτι τοῦ Λεωσθένους εὐημεροῦντος, ὑπὸ τῶν ῥητόρων ἐρωτώμενος τί τὴν πόλιν αὐτὸς ἀγαθὸν πεποίηκεν, οὐδέν
εἶπεν ἀλλʼ ἢ ὑμᾶς, ἐμοῦ στρατηγοῦντος, ἐπιτάφιον λόγον μὴ εἰπεῖν ἀλλὰ πάντας
πάνυ δὲ χαριέντως καὶ ὁ Κράτης πρὸς τὸ
ἀντέγραψε τὸ
λείπεται ὁ ἡμῖν, τοῦ λόγου τὸ ἐφεξῆς ἀπαιτοῦντος καὶ παρακαλοῦντος, εἰπεῖν ὅπως ἂν ἕκαστος ἐκφύγοι τὸ ἐπαινεῖν ἀκαίρως ἑαυτόν. μέγα γὰρ ἡ περιαυτολογία τὴν φιλαυτίαν ὁρμητήριον ἔχουσα, καὶ τοῖς πάνυ δοκοῦσι μετρίως ἔχειν πρὸς δόξαν
δεύτερον αἱ Πάτροκλον
ἀλλὰ μὴν καὶ τὸ περὶ τοὺς ψόγους καὶ τὰς καταιτιάσεις γένος ἐπισφαλές ἐστι καὶ παρέχον ἐκτροπὰς τοῖς περὶ δόξαν νοσοῦσιν. ᾧ μάλιστα περιπίπτουσιν οἱ γέροντες, ὅταν εἰς τὸ νουθετεῖν ἑτέρους
ἔτι τοίνυν τοῖς μὲν πρὸς τοὺς γέλωτας εὐκαταφόροις
πρὸς τεῖχος ἀναβαίνων.
ἐγὼ μὲν δεικνύω
ἐσπουδακώς, οἱ δὲ πάλιν ἐπεμυκτήρισαν.
ἐν ἅπασιν οὖν τούτοις εὐλαβητέον ὡς ἔνι μάλιστα, μήτε συνεκπίπτοντα τοῖς ἐπαίνοις μήτε ταῖς συμβολὰς ταύτας ἀποτίνειν μεγίστας
λέγουσιν, ὡς ὁ παρὰ Μενάνδρῳ
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The following text is encoded in accordance with EpiDoc standards and with the CTS/CITE Architecture
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+HE that talks big and arrogantly of himself, Herculanus, is universally condemned as a troublesome and ill-bred companion. But the most, even of those who in
- words mightily declaim against him, seem to applaud him
- in their actions. Euripides could say,
-
-
-
-
Yet he often brings in his heroes intolerably boasting, and
- stuffs their most tragical adventures and passions with improper discourses of themselves. So Pindar declares,
-
-
-
-
but he forbears not to extol his own raptures, which indeed, - by the confession of all men, are worthy of the noblest - praise.
-But those who are crowned for mastery in the games or
- in the learned combats have others to celebrate their victories, that the people's ears be not grated with the harsh
- noises of self-applause. And Timotheus is justly censured
- as unskilfully and irregularly setting forth his conquest of
-
-
It is true then, as Xenophon says, The most pleasant - sound that a man can hear is his own praise in another's - mouth; but the most odious thing unto others is a man - commending himself. For we brand them as impudent - who commend themselves, it becoming them to be modest - though they were praised by others; and we account them - unjust in arrogating that to themselves which another has - the sole propriety of bestowing on them. Besides, if we - then are silent, we seem either angry or envious; but if - we second their discourse, we are presently entangled and - forced to contribute more than we intended, speaking to - men's faces what sounds well only behind their backs; - and so we undertake rather the base work of drudging - flattery than any real offices of true honor.
-Yet, however, there is a time when a statesman may
- be the subject of his own discourse, and give a free relation of things he has worthily done or said, as well as
- other truths; taking care that it be not merely for favor
- or reputation, but upon some emergent occasion, and especially, when the deeds achieved by him or the parts that be
- in him be good and honest, then he is not to forbear and
- say merely that he hath done so or else much like. There
- is indeed a praise of this kind which bears very excellent and
- lovely fruit, from whose seeds arise many of the same
- species very much meliorated and improved. And therefore it is that the wise statesman seeks glory not as the
- reward or solace of his virtue, nor embraces it merely as
- the companion of his achievements, but because the being
- accounted an honorable person and gallant man affords a
- thousand opportunities of compassing many and more desirable things. For it is easy and delightful to be of use
-
-
There may also be more reasons than these, which we - must enquire into, that, while we endeavor to avert a frivolous and nauseous applauding of ourselves, we chance not - to omit that sort which may be truly useful.
-The praise therefore is vain which a man heaps on - himself to provoke others also to praise him, and is chiefly - contemptible, as proceeding from an importunate and unseasonable affectation of esteem.
-For as they who are ready to die for food are compelled - against nature to gnaw off their own flesh, and thus put a - miserable end to their famine; so they who mortally hunger after praise, unless some one afford them a little scantling alms of commendation, do violate the laws of decency, - shamelessly endeavoring to supply those wants by an unnatural extolling of themselves.
-But when they do not on the bare consideration of themselves hunt applause, but strive to obscure the worth of
- others, by fighting against their praises and opposing their
- own works and practices to theirs, they add to their vanity
- an envious and abhorred baseness. He who thrusts his
- foot into another's dance is stigmatized with a proverb as a
- ridiculous and pragmatical clown; but upon envy and jealousy to thrust ourselves between the praises of others, or
- to interrupt the same with our own self praise, is a thing
- that we ought equally to beware of. Neither should we
- allow others to praise us at such a time, but frankly yield
- the honor to those who are then celebrated, if their merit
- be real; and though the persons be vicious or unworthy,
- yet must we not take from them by setting up ourselves;
- but rather on the other hand we must reprove the unskilful applauders, and demonstrate their encomiums to be
-
-
But self-praise is not liable to disgrace or blame when
- it is delicately handled by way of apology to remove a calumny or accusation. Thus Pericles: But ye are angry at
- me, a man inferior to none, whether it be in the understanding or interpreting of necessary things; a man who am a
- lover of my country, and above the meannesses of bribes.
- For, in speaking with this gallantry of himself, he was not
- only free from arrogance, vanity, and ambition, but he
- demonstrated the greatness and spirit of that virtue which
- could not be dejected itself, and even humbled and tamed
- the haughtiness of envy. Such men as these will hardly
- be condemned; but those who would vote against them
- are won over to their cause, do receive infinite satisfaction,
- and are agreeably inspirited with this noble boasting, especially if that bravery be steady, and the ground firm on
- which it stands. This history does frequently discover.
- For, when the Theban generals accused Pelopidas and
- Epaminondas that, the time for their office as Boeotarchs
- being expired, they did not forthwith give up their power,
- but made an incursion into Laconia and repaired and repeopled Messene, Pelopidas, submitting himself and making
- many lowly entreaties, very hardly obtained his absolution;
- but Epaminondas loftily glorying in those actions, and at
- last declaring he would willingly be put to death so that
- they would set up his accusation, Epaminondas hath wasted
- Laconia, hath settled Messene, and happily united Arcadia
- into one state, against our will,
they admired him, and
- the citizens, wondering at the cheerful greatness of his
- courage, dismissed him with unspeakable pleasantness and
- satisfaction.
Therefore, when Agamemnon thus reproached Diomedes,
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
Sthenelus is not to be much condemned for saying,
-
-
-
-
for Sthenelus had not been calumniated himself, but he - only patronized his abused friend; and so the cause excused that freedom of speech, which seemed otherwise to - have something of the glorioso.
-But Cicero's magnifying his diligence and prudence in - Catiline's trial was not very pleasing to the Romans; yet - when Scipio said, they ought not to judge Scipio, who had - enstated them in the power of judging all men, they ascended crowned to the Capitol, and sacrificed with him. - For Cicero was not necessitated to this, but merely spurred - by the desire of glory; while the danger wherein Scipio - stood delivered him from envy.
-Now talking after an high and glorious manner proves
- advantageous, not only to persons in danger of the law or
- such like eminent distress, but to those also who are clouded
- in a dull series of misfortunes; and that more properly
- than when they appear splendid in the world. For what
- addition can words make to those who already seem possessed of real glory, and do lie indulging and basking in
- her beams? But those who at present are incapable of
- ambition, if they express themselves loftily, seem only to
- bear up against the storms of Fortune, to undergird the
- greatness of their souls, and to shun that pity and commiseration which supposes a shipwrecked and forlorn condition.
- As therefore those who in walking affect a stiffness of body
- and a stretched-out neck are accounted effeminate and foppish, but are commended if in fencing and fighting they
- keep themselves erect and steady; so the man grappling
- with ill fortune, if he raise himself to resist her,
-
- Like some stout boxer, ready with his blow,
-
and by a bravery of speech transform himself from abject
- and miserable to bold and noble, is not to be censured as
- obstinate and audacious, but honored as invincible and great.
- So, although Homer described Patroclus in the happinesses
- of his life as smooth and without envy, yet in death he
- makes him have something of the bravo, and a soldier's
- gallant roughness:
-
-
-
-
So Phocion, though otherwise very mild, after the sentence passed on him, showed the greatness of his mind in - many respects; particularly to one of his fellow-sufferers, - who miserably cried out and bewailed his misfortune, What, - says he, is it not a pleasure to thee to die with Phocion?
-Further, a man of state has not less but greater liberty to speak any thing of himself when his merits are
- rewarded with injurious and unkind returns. Achilles
- usually gave the Gods their glory, and spoke modestly in
- this manner:
-
-
-
-
But when he was unhandsomely reproached and aspersed
- with contumelies, he added swelling words to his anger,
- and these in his own applause:
-
- I sacked twelve ample cities on the main;
-
and also these:
-
-
-
-
For apologies claim a great liberty of speech and boasting, - as considerable parts of their defence.
-Themistocles also, having been guilty of nothing distasteful
-
-
They therefore who are injured usually recount their - good actions to the ingrate. And, if they also praise those - excellences which others are pleased to condemn, they are - not only pardonable but altogether without blame. For it - is evident they do not reproach others, but apologize for - themselves.
-This gave Demosthenes a glorious freedom, yet allayed - the offensive brightness of his own praises, which almost - everywhere shine through his whole Oration on the Crown, - in which he extols those embassies and decrees which were - so much objected against him.
-Not much unlike this is the insinuating delicacy of an
- antithesis, when a person, being accused for any thing as
- a crime, demonstrates its opposite to be base and vicious.
- So Lycurgus, being upbraided by the Athenians for stopping a sycophant's mouth with money, said: And what kind
- of citizen do you then take me to be, who, having so long
- managed the affairs of the republic amongst you, am at last
- found rather to have given than to have received money
- unjustly? And Cicero, Metellus objecting he had cast
- more by his evidence against them than ever he had acquitted by his pleading for them, replies: Who therefore
- will not freely declare that Cicero has more honesty and
- faith than eloquence? Many expressions of this nature
- are in Demosthenes; particularly, But who might not justly
- have slain me, if I had endeavored in word only to sully
- the honors and glorious titles which the city hath? Or,
- What, think you, would those vile fellows have said, if,
-
-
But this may very profitably be learned therein, that, - delicately tempering the encomiums of his auditors with - the things relating to himself, he secures himself from - being liable to envy, nor becomes suspected of self-love. - There he relates in what manner the Athenians behaved - themselves to the Euboeans, in what manner to the Thebans, and what benefits they conferred upon those of - Byzantium and Chersonesus; in all which he confesses his - part was only that of their minister or steward. Thus by - a rhetorical deceit, he finely and insensibly instils his own - praises into his hearers, who pleasingly hang upon his - words, and rejoice at the commemoration of those worthy - deeds. Now this joy is immediately seconded by admiration, and admiration is succeeded by a liking and love of - that person who so wisely administered the affairs. This - Epaminondas seems to have considered, when reviled by - Meneclidas, as though he had an higher opinion of himself than ever Agamemnon had. If it be so, says he, - Thebans, 'tis you have puffed me up; you, by whose help - alone I overthrew the Lacedaemonian empire in one day.
-But since for the most part men are exceedingly
- displeased with those who are the trumpeters of their own
- fame, but if they sound forth another's, are delighted and
- give them cheerful acclamations; it is hence grown a frequent custom amongst orators, by a seasonable extolling
- those who have like purposes, actions, and manner of
- life with theirs, to assure and wheedle over the auditory
- to themselves. For the hearers know that, though the
- panegyrist solemnizes another's worth, he has yet the same
- endowments of virtue, so that his encomiums will redound
-
-
These things the man of state must know and observe. Now those who are forced upon their own praises
- are the more excusable, if they arrogate not the causes
- wholly to themselves, but ascribe them in part to Fortune
- and in part to God. Achilles therefore said:
-
-
-
-
And Timoleon did well, who erected a fane to Fortune,
- and dedicated his house to the Good Genius, to whom he
- referred the felicity of his attempts. But best of all, Python of Aenos, after he had slain Cotys, coming to Athens
- and perceiving the orators very busy in applauding him to
- the people, which displeased many and stirred them up
- to envy, thus speaks: These things, ye Athenians, some of
- the Gods have done; our hands were only the instruments
- of their work. Sylla also prevented envy by perpetually
- praising Fortune, not his own prowess; and at last surnamed himself Epaphroditus, in acknowledgment that his
- success proceeded from the care of Venus. For men will
- more readily impute a defeat to chance or the pleasure of
- some God than to the virtue of the conqueror; for the one
- they think to be a good not pertinent to the conqueror, but
-
-
This kind of excuses may be framed as convenient
- remedies or preventions when we have to do with persons
- of a difficult or envious humor. But it is not amiss to use
- some little revocations or corrections of what may seem
- spoken to our praise, before those who are of a sedate and
- composed temper. If any commend us as those who have
- learning, riches, or authority, we should hinder them from
- choosing such topics, and rather desire of them, if they
- can, to take notice of us as innocent, good, and useful.
- Thus we do not so much confer as transfer praises, and
- seem not to be puffed up with our applauders, but rather
- to be offended that they have not praised conveniently and
- for truly meritorious things. We hide also inferior with
- better qualifications; yet not as desiring to be commended,
- but as teaching to commend aright. Such forms as these
- may be referred hither: It is true, I have not walled the
- city with stones or brick; but if you will view my fortifications, you shall find armor, and horses, and confederates.
-
-
If you know me well, let my justice or temperance, my - equanimity or humanity, be rather spoken of. For even - envy herself can easily concede the lesser honors to him - who refuses the greater; nor will it rob any of true encomiums, not to expect false and vain ones. Therefore - several princes, who permitted not themselves to be called - Gods or the offspring of the Gods, have yet assumed the - titles Philadelphus, Philometor, Evergetes, or Theophilus; - and were never offended when they were honored with - those glorious yet human appellations.
-Again, they who in their writings and sayings are absolute votaries to wisdom by no means will be called
Now as skilful painters, that they may not offend
- those that have weak eyes, allay their over-bright and
- gaudy colors by tempering them with darker; so there are
- some who will not represent their own praises altogether
-
- I'll crush my adversary's body, break his bones;
-
yet he would seem to qualify all with this,
-
- Is't not enough that I'm in fight unskilled?
-
But, to say truth, to excuse his arrogance with so base a
- confession is ridiculous. He then who would be an exact
- man corrects himself for his forgetfulness, ignorance, ambition, or eagerness for certain knowledge and discourses.
- So does Ulysses when he says of the Sirens,
-
-
-
-
and again, when he sang of his visit to the Cyclops,
-
-
-
-
And for the most part it is a good antidote against envy, - to mix amongst our praises those faults that are not altogether ungenerous and base. Therefore many temper - them not only with confessions of poverty or unskilfulness, - but even of vile descent. So Agathocles, carousing amongst - the Sicilian youth in golden bowls very curiously wrought, - commanded earthen pots to be brought in. See (says he) - what diligence, laboriousness, and fortitude can do! Once - we made muggen jugs, but now vessels of gold. For his - original was so mean and contemptible, that it was thought - he had served in a potter's shop who at last governed - almost all Sicily.
-These are the outward preventions or remedies
- against diseases that may arise from the speaking of one's
-
-
-
-
And this:
-
-
-
-
For as they who obtain great possessions of houses or - lands gratis and with little difficulty are under the eye of - envy, but not if their purchases were troublesome and dear, - so it is with them who arrive at honor and applause.
-Well then, since it is evident we may praise ourselves not only inoffensively and without being liable to
- envy, but with great advantage too; that we may seem not
- to do this for itself, but for a further and better end, first
- consider whether it may prove for the instruction of the
- company, by exciting them to a virtuous emulation. For
- so Nestor's relation of his own achievements inflamed
- Patroclus and nine others with a vehement desire of single
- combat; and we know the counsel that brings persuasive
- deeds as well as words, a lively exemplar, and an immediate familiar incentive, insouls a man with courage,
- moves, yea, vehemently spurs him up to such a resolution
- of mind as cannot doubt the possibility and success of
- the attempt. This was the reason of that chorus in Lacedaemon consisting of boys, young men, and old men, which
- thus sang in parts:—
-
-
-
-
Well and politicly in this public entertainment did the
- legislator propose to the youth obvious and domestic ex
-
-
Moreover, it is not only available for the exciting of
- a generous emulation, but sometimes requisite for the
- silencing and taming an insolent and audacious man, to
- talk a little gloriously of one's self. As Nestor in this:
-
-
-
-
And Aristotle writes to Alexander, that not only those
- who have mighty empires may think highly of themselves,
- but they also who have worthy thoughts and notions of the
- Gods. Such a remark as this is also profitable against
- enemies, and recalls the spirits:
-
- Weak sons of misery our strength oppose.
-
And such a reflection as that of Agesilaus, who said - concerning the king of Persia, when he heard him called - the Great: And who is greater than I, unless he be more - just? So Epaminondas answered the Lacedaemonians, - when they had spun out a long accusation against the - Thebans: I see then we have forced you out of your wonted - humor of short speech.
-The like to these are proper against adversaries; but - amongst our friends and fellow-citizens a seasonable glorying is good not only to humble and throw down their - haughtiness, but if they be fearful or astonished, to fetch - back their courage and teach them to rally up themselves - again. Therefore Cyrus in perils and battles talked at a - thundering rate, but otherwise was mild and gentle in discourse. And Antigonus the Second generally was modest - and free from blustering; but at the sea-fight at Cos,— - one of his friends saying, See you not how much greater - the number of the enemy's ships is than ours?—he answers, - And for how many ships dost thou reckon me?
-This Homer seems to have considered, who makes
- Ulysses, when his friends were dismayed at the noise and
- horrible waves of Charybdis, immind them of his former
- stratagems and valor:
-
-
-
-
For this kind of praise is not such as the haranguers to - the people or sophistical beggars use, nor those who affect - popular humming and applause; but a necessary pledge - of that courage and conduct which must be given to - hearten up our friends. For we know that opinion and - confidence in him whom we esteem endued with the fortitude and experience of a complete captain is, in the crisis - of a battle, no small advantage to the obtaining of the - day.
-We have before declared the opposing of himself to
- the reputation and credit of another to be altogether unbefitting a worthy man; but where a vicious praise becomes
- hurtful and corruptive, creating an earnestness after evil
- things or an evil purpose in great matters, it is not unprofitable to refuse it; but it becomes us to direct the
- minds of the company towards better sentiments of things,
- showing them the difference. For certainly any one will
- be pleased when he sees many voluntarily abstaining from
- the vices they heard cried down and reproved; but if baseness be well accounted of, and honor be made to attend on
- him who pursues pleasure or avarice, where is the nature
- so happily strong that can resist, much less conquer, the
- temptation? Therefore a generous and discreet person
- must set himself against the praises, not of evil men, but
- of evil actions; for this kind of commendation perverts
- the judgments of men, and miserably leads them to imitate
-
-
-
-
well opposes these,
-
-
-
-
This kind of praise is amiable and advantageous, teaching to admire and love convenient and profitable things - instead of the superfluous and vain. Thus much for the - stating of the question, in what cases and how far self-praise may be inoffensive.
-Now the order of the discourse requires to show
- how an uncomely and unseasonable affectation of praise
- may be avoided. Discourse of a man's self usually sallies
- from self-love, as from its fort, and is there observed to
- lay wait, even in those who are vulgarly thought free
-
-
For first (as is above said), ambition usually intrudes - into the praises of others with some flourishing remarks - to adorn herself. For let a person be commended by his - equal or inferior, the mind of the ambitious is tickled and - rubbed at the hearing of his praise, and immediately he - is hurried by an intemperate desire and precipitation after - the like; as the appetite of the hungry is sharpened by - seeing others eat.
-In the second place, the story of men's prosperous
- actions naturally carries them into the humor of boasting;
- and joy so far transports them, that they swell with their
- own words when they would give you a relation of their
- victories or their success in the business of the state, or
- of their other publicly applauded actions or orations, and
- find it difficult to contain themselves and preserve a mean.
- In which kind of error it is observable that soldiers and
- mariners are most entangled. Nor is it infrequent with
- those who return from the government of provinces and
- the management of great affairs. Such as these, when
- mention is once made of illustrious and royal personages,
- presently thrust in some eulogies of themselves, as proceeding from the favor and kind opinion of those princes;
- and then they fancy they seem not at all to have praised
- themselves, but to have given only a bare account what
- great men have said honorably of them. So another sort,
- little different from these, think they are not discerned
- when they tell you all the familiarities of kings and emperors with them and their particular applying themselves
-
-
We see then what reason we have to look narrowly to
- ourselves, that, whilst we confer praises on others, we
- give no ground for suspicion that we make them but the
- vehicles of our own, and that, in pretending to celebrate
- Patroclus,
under his name we mean romantically ourselves.
Further, that kind of discourse which consists in - dispraising and finding fault is dangerous, and yields opportunity to those that watch it for the magnifying their - own little worth. Of this old men are inclinable to be - guilty, when, by chastising and debasing others for their - vices, they exalt themselves as wonderfully great in the - opposite virtues. Indeed to these there must be a very - large concession, if they be reverend not only in age, but - in virtue and place; for it is not altogether an unprofitable way, since it may sometimes create an extraordinary - zeal and emulation of honor in those who are thus spurred - up. But otherwise that sort of humor is carefully to be - shunned; for reproof is often bitter, and wants a great - deal of caution to sweeten and correct it. Now this is - not done by the tempering our own praises with the reprehension of another; for he is an unworthy and odious - fellow who seeks his own credit through any man's disgrace, basely endeavoring to build a slight reputation of - his virtue upon the discovery of another's crimes.
-Lastly, as they who are naturally inclined to a dangerous sort of laughter,—which is a kind of violent passion or disease,—must preserve especially the smooth
- parts of the body from tickling incentives, which cause
- these parts to yield and relent, thus provoking the passion; so they whose minds are soft and propense to the
- desires of reputation must carefully beware that they be
-
-
Some there are who flatter themselves, till they are stupidly puffed up; others allure a man to talk of himself,
- and take him by casting some little gilded temptation in
- his way; and another sort for a little sport will be putting
- questions, as those in Menander to the silly braggadocio
- soldier:
-
-
-
-
We must be watchful in all these cases, that we - neither of ourselves drop into our own inconvenient - praises, nor be hooked into them by others. Now the - best and most certain way of security is to look back - upon such as we can remember guilty of this fault, and - to consider how absurd and ugly it is accounted by all - men, and that hardly any thing is in converse a greater - disturbance than this.
-Hence it is that, though there be no other quality in
- such persons unpleasing, yet, as if Nature had taught us
- to abhor and fly it, we hasten out to get a little fresh air;
-
-
-
-
But these faults are not only to be objected against
- common soldiers and upstarts who detain others with
- gaudy and proud relations of their own actions, but also
- against sophists, philosophers, and commanders who grow
- full of themselves and talk at a fastuous rate. Therefore
- it is fit we still remember that another's dispraise always
- accompanies the indiscreet praises of ourselves; that the
- end of vain-glory is disgrace; and that, as Demosthenes
- tells us, the company will both be offended and judge
- otherwise of us than we would have them.
HE that talks big and arrogantly of himself, Herculanus, is universally condemned as a troublesome and ill-bred companion. But the most, even of those who in
- words mightily declaim against him, seem to applaud him
- in their actions. Euripides could say,
-
-
-
-
Yet he often brings in his heroes intolerably boasting, and
- stuffs their most tragical adventures and passions with improper discourses of themselves. So Pindar declares,
-
-
-
-
but he forbears not to extol his own raptures, which indeed, - by the confession of all men, are worthy of the noblest - praise.
-But those who are crowned for mastery in the games or
- in the learned combats have others to celebrate their victories, that the people's ears be not grated with the harsh
- noises of self-applause. And Timotheus is justly censured
- as unskilfully and irregularly setting forth his conquest of
-
-
It is true then, as Xenophon says, The most pleasant - sound that a man can hear is his own praise in another's - mouth; but the most odious thing unto others is a man - commending himself. For we brand them as impudent - who commend themselves, it becoming them to be modest - though they were praised by others; and we account them - unjust in arrogating that to themselves which another has - the sole propriety of bestowing on them. Besides, if we - then are silent, we seem either angry or envious; but if - we second their discourse, we are presently entangled and - forced to contribute more than we intended, speaking to - men's faces what sounds well only behind their backs; - and so we undertake rather the base work of drudging - flattery than any real offices of true honor.
-Yet, however, there is a time when a statesman may
- be the subject of his own discourse, and give a free relation of things he has worthily done or said, as well as
- other truths; taking care that it be not merely for favor
- or reputation, but upon some emergent occasion, and especially, when the deeds achieved by him or the parts that be
- in him be good and honest, then he is not to forbear and
- say merely that he hath done so or else much like. There
- is indeed a praise of this kind which bears very excellent and
- lovely fruit, from whose seeds arise many of the same
- species very much meliorated and improved. And therefore it is that the wise statesman seeks glory not as the
- reward or solace of his virtue, nor embraces it merely as
- the companion of his achievements, but because the being
- accounted an honorable person and gallant man affords a
- thousand opportunities of compassing many and more desirable things. For it is easy and delightful to be of use
-
-
There may also be more reasons than these, which we - must enquire into, that, while we endeavor to avert a frivolous and nauseous applauding of ourselves, we chance not - to omit that sort which may be truly useful.
-The praise therefore is vain which a man heaps on - himself to provoke others also to praise him, and is chiefly - contemptible, as proceeding from an importunate and unseasonable affectation of esteem.
-For as they who are ready to die for food are compelled - against nature to gnaw off their own flesh, and thus put a - miserable end to their famine; so they who mortally hunger after praise, unless some one afford them a little scantling alms of commendation, do violate the laws of decency, - shamelessly endeavoring to supply those wants by an unnatural extolling of themselves.
-But when they do not on the bare consideration of themselves hunt applause, but strive to obscure the worth of
- others, by fighting against their praises and opposing their
- own works and practices to theirs, they add to their vanity
- an envious and abhorred baseness. He who thrusts his
- foot into another's dance is stigmatized with a proverb as a
- ridiculous and pragmatical clown; but upon envy and jealousy to thrust ourselves between the praises of others, or
- to interrupt the same with our own self praise, is a thing
- that we ought equally to beware of. Neither should we
- allow others to praise us at such a time, but frankly yield
- the honor to those who are then celebrated, if their merit
- be real; and though the persons be vicious or unworthy,
- yet must we not take from them by setting up ourselves;
- but rather on the other hand we must reprove the unskilful applauders, and demonstrate their encomiums to be
-
-
But self-praise is not liable to disgrace or blame when
- it is delicately handled by way of apology to remove a calumny or accusation. Thus Pericles: But ye are angry at
- me, a man inferior to none, whether it be in the understanding or interpreting of necessary things; a man who am a
- lover of my country, and above the meannesses of bribes.
- For, in speaking with this gallantry of himself, he was not
- only free from arrogance, vanity, and ambition, but he
- demonstrated the greatness and spirit of that virtue which
- could not be dejected itself, and even humbled and tamed
- the haughtiness of envy. Such men as these will hardly
- be condemned; but those who would vote against them
- are won over to their cause, do receive infinite satisfaction,
- and are agreeably inspirited with this noble boasting, especially if that bravery be steady, and the ground firm on
- which it stands. This history does frequently discover.
- For, when the Theban generals accused Pelopidas and
- Epaminondas that, the time for their office as Boeotarchs
- being expired, they did not forthwith give up their power,
- but made an incursion into Laconia and repaired and repeopled Messene, Pelopidas, submitting himself and making
- many lowly entreaties, very hardly obtained his absolution;
- but Epaminondas loftily glorying in those actions, and at
- last declaring he would willingly be put to death so that
- they would set up his accusation, Epaminondas hath wasted
- Laconia, hath settled Messene, and happily united Arcadia
- into one state, against our will,
they admired him, and
- the citizens, wondering at the cheerful greatness of his
- courage, dismissed him with unspeakable pleasantness and
- satisfaction.
Therefore, when Agamemnon thus reproached Diomedes,
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
Sthenelus is not to be much condemned for saying,
-
-
-
-
for Sthenelus had not been calumniated himself, but he - only patronized his abused friend; and so the cause excused that freedom of speech, which seemed otherwise to - have something of the glorioso.
-But Cicero's magnifying his diligence and prudence in - Catiline's trial was not very pleasing to the Romans; yet - when Scipio said, they ought not to judge Scipio, who had - enstated them in the power of judging all men, they ascended crowned to the Capitol, and sacrificed with him. - For Cicero was not necessitated to this, but merely spurred - by the desire of glory; while the danger wherein Scipio - stood delivered him from envy.
-Now talking after an high and glorious manner proves
- advantageous, not only to persons in danger of the law or
- such like eminent distress, but to those also who are clouded
- in a dull series of misfortunes; and that more properly
- than when they appear splendid in the world. For what
- addition can words make to those who already seem possessed of real glory, and do lie indulging and basking in
- her beams? But those who at present are incapable of
- ambition, if they express themselves loftily, seem only to
- bear up against the storms of Fortune, to undergird the
- greatness of their souls, and to shun that pity and commiseration which supposes a shipwrecked and forlorn condition.
- As therefore those who in walking affect a stiffness of body
- and a stretched-out neck are accounted effeminate and foppish, but are commended if in fencing and fighting they
- keep themselves erect and steady; so the man grappling
- with ill fortune, if he raise himself to resist her,
-
- Like some stout boxer, ready with his blow,
-
and by a bravery of speech transform himself from abject
- and miserable to bold and noble, is not to be censured as
- obstinate and audacious, but honored as invincible and great.
- So, although Homer described Patroclus in the happinesses
- of his life as smooth and without envy, yet in death he
- makes him have something of the bravo, and a soldier's
- gallant roughness:
-
-
-
-
So Phocion, though otherwise very mild, after the sentence passed on him, showed the greatness of his mind in - many respects; particularly to one of his fellow-sufferers, - who miserably cried out and bewailed his misfortune, What, - says he, is it not a pleasure to thee to die with Phocion?
-Further, a man of state has not less but greater liberty to speak any thing of himself when his merits are
- rewarded with injurious and unkind returns. Achilles
- usually gave the Gods their glory, and spoke modestly in
- this manner:
-
-
-
-
But when he was unhandsomely reproached and aspersed
- with contumelies, he added swelling words to his anger,
- and these in his own applause:
-
- I sacked twelve ample cities on the main;
-
and also these:
-
-
-
-
For apologies claim a great liberty of speech and boasting, - as considerable parts of their defence.
-Themistocles also, having been guilty of nothing distasteful
-
-
They therefore who are injured usually recount their - good actions to the ingrate. And, if they also praise those - excellences which others are pleased to condemn, they are - not only pardonable but altogether without blame. For it - is evident they do not reproach others, but apologize for - themselves.
-This gave Demosthenes a glorious freedom, yet allayed - the offensive brightness of his own praises, which almost - everywhere shine through his whole Oration on the Crown, - in which he extols those embassies and decrees which were - so much objected against him.
-Not much unlike this is the insinuating delicacy of an
- antithesis, when a person, being accused for any thing as
- a crime, demonstrates its opposite to be base and vicious.
- So Lycurgus, being upbraided by the Athenians for stopping a sycophant's mouth with money, said: And what kind
- of citizen do you then take me to be, who, having so long
- managed the affairs of the republic amongst you, am at last
- found rather to have given than to have received money
- unjustly? And Cicero, Metellus objecting he had cast
- more by his evidence against them than ever he had acquitted by his pleading for them, replies: Who therefore
- will not freely declare that Cicero has more honesty and
- faith than eloquence? Many expressions of this nature
- are in Demosthenes; particularly, But who might not justly
- have slain me, if I had endeavored in word only to sully
- the honors and glorious titles which the city hath? Or,
- What, think you, would those vile fellows have said, if,
-
-
But this may very profitably be learned therein, that, - delicately tempering the encomiums of his auditors with - the things relating to himself, he secures himself from - being liable to envy, nor becomes suspected of self-love. - There he relates in what manner the Athenians behaved - themselves to the Euboeans, in what manner to the Thebans, and what benefits they conferred upon those of - Byzantium and Chersonesus; in all which he confesses his - part was only that of their minister or steward. Thus by - a rhetorical deceit, he finely and insensibly instils his own - praises into his hearers, who pleasingly hang upon his - words, and rejoice at the commemoration of those worthy - deeds. Now this joy is immediately seconded by admiration, and admiration is succeeded by a liking and love of - that person who so wisely administered the affairs. This - Epaminondas seems to have considered, when reviled by - Meneclidas, as though he had an higher opinion of himself than ever Agamemnon had. If it be so, says he, - Thebans, 'tis you have puffed me up; you, by whose help - alone I overthrew the Lacedaemonian empire in one day.
-But since for the most part men are exceedingly
- displeased with those who are the trumpeters of their own
- fame, but if they sound forth another's, are delighted and
- give them cheerful acclamations; it is hence grown a frequent custom amongst orators, by a seasonable extolling
- those who have like purposes, actions, and manner of
- life with theirs, to assure and wheedle over the auditory
- to themselves. For the hearers know that, though the
- panegyrist solemnizes another's worth, he has yet the same
- endowments of virtue, so that his encomiums will redound
-
-
These things the man of state must know and observe. Now those who are forced upon their own praises
- are the more excusable, if they arrogate not the causes
- wholly to themselves, but ascribe them in part to Fortune
- and in part to God. Achilles therefore said:
-
-
-
-
And Timoleon did well, who erected a fane to Fortune,
- and dedicated his house to the Good Genius, to whom he
- referred the felicity of his attempts. But best of all, Python of Aenos, after he had slain Cotys, coming to Athens
- and perceiving the orators very busy in applauding him to
- the people, which displeased many and stirred them up
- to envy, thus speaks: These things, ye Athenians, some of
- the Gods have done; our hands were only the instruments
- of their work. Sylla also prevented envy by perpetually
- praising Fortune, not his own prowess; and at last surnamed himself Epaphroditus, in acknowledgment that his
- success proceeded from the care of Venus. For men will
- more readily impute a defeat to chance or the pleasure of
- some God than to the virtue of the conqueror; for the one
- they think to be a good not pertinent to the conqueror, but
-
-
This kind of excuses may be framed as convenient
- remedies or preventions when we have to do with persons
- of a difficult or envious humor. But it is not amiss to use
- some little revocations or corrections of what may seem
- spoken to our praise, before those who are of a sedate and
- composed temper. If any commend us as those who have
- learning, riches, or authority, we should hinder them from
- choosing such topics, and rather desire of them, if they
- can, to take notice of us as innocent, good, and useful.
- Thus we do not so much confer as transfer praises, and
- seem not to be puffed up with our applauders, but rather
- to be offended that they have not praised conveniently and
- for truly meritorious things. We hide also inferior with
- better qualifications; yet not as desiring to be commended,
- but as teaching to commend aright. Such forms as these
- may be referred hither: It is true, I have not walled the
- city with stones or brick; but if you will view my fortifications, you shall find armor, and horses, and confederates.
-
-
If you know me well, let my justice or temperance, my - equanimity or humanity, be rather spoken of. For even - envy herself can easily concede the lesser honors to him - who refuses the greater; nor will it rob any of true encomiums, not to expect false and vain ones. Therefore - several princes, who permitted not themselves to be called - Gods or the offspring of the Gods, have yet assumed the - titles Philadelphus, Philometor, Evergetes, or Theophilus; - and were never offended when they were honored with - those glorious yet human appellations.
-Again, they who in their writings and sayings are absolute votaries to wisdom by no means will be called
Now as skilful painters, that they may not offend
- those that have weak eyes, allay their over-bright and
- gaudy colors by tempering them with darker; so there are
- some who will not represent their own praises altogether
-
- I'll crush my adversary's body, break his bones;
-
yet he would seem to qualify all with this,
-
- Is't not enough that I'm in fight unskilled?
-
But, to say truth, to excuse his arrogance with so base a
- confession is ridiculous. He then who would be an exact
- man corrects himself for his forgetfulness, ignorance, ambition, or eagerness for certain knowledge and discourses.
- So does Ulysses when he says of the Sirens,
-
-
-
-
and again, when he sang of his visit to the Cyclops,
-
-
-
-
And for the most part it is a good antidote against envy, - to mix amongst our praises those faults that are not altogether ungenerous and base. Therefore many temper - them not only with confessions of poverty or unskilfulness, - but even of vile descent. So Agathocles, carousing amongst - the Sicilian youth in golden bowls very curiously wrought, - commanded earthen pots to be brought in. See (says he) - what diligence, laboriousness, and fortitude can do! Once - we made muggen jugs, but now vessels of gold. For his - original was so mean and contemptible, that it was thought - he had served in a potter's shop who at last governed - almost all Sicily.
-These are the outward preventions or remedies
- against diseases that may arise from the speaking of one's
-
-
-
-
And this:
-
-
-
-
For as they who obtain great possessions of houses or - lands gratis and with little difficulty are under the eye of - envy, but not if their purchases were troublesome and dear, - so it is with them who arrive at honor and applause.
-Well then, since it is evident we may praise ourselves not only inoffensively and without being liable to
- envy, but with great advantage too; that we may seem not
- to do this for itself, but for a further and better end, first
- consider whether it may prove for the instruction of the
- company, by exciting them to a virtuous emulation. For
- so Nestor's relation of his own achievements inflamed
- Patroclus and nine others with a vehement desire of single
- combat; and we know the counsel that brings persuasive
- deeds as well as words, a lively exemplar, and an immediate familiar incentive, insouls a man with courage,
- moves, yea, vehemently spurs him up to such a resolution
- of mind as cannot doubt the possibility and success of
- the attempt. This was the reason of that chorus in Lacedaemon consisting of boys, young men, and old men, which
- thus sang in parts:—
-
-
-
-
Well and politicly in this public entertainment did the
- legislator propose to the youth obvious and domestic ex
-
-
Moreover, it is not only available for the exciting of
- a generous emulation, but sometimes requisite for the
- silencing and taming an insolent and audacious man, to
- talk a little gloriously of one's self. As Nestor in this:
-
-
-
-
And Aristotle writes to Alexander, that not only those
- who have mighty empires may think highly of themselves,
- but they also who have worthy thoughts and notions of the
- Gods. Such a remark as this is also profitable against
- enemies, and recalls the spirits:
-
- Weak sons of misery our strength oppose.
-
And such a reflection as that of Agesilaus, who said - concerning the king of Persia, when he heard him called - the Great: And who is greater than I, unless he be more - just? So Epaminondas answered the Lacedaemonians, - when they had spun out a long accusation against the - Thebans: I see then we have forced you out of your wonted - humor of short speech.
-The like to these are proper against adversaries; but - amongst our friends and fellow-citizens a seasonable glorying is good not only to humble and throw down their - haughtiness, but if they be fearful or astonished, to fetch - back their courage and teach them to rally up themselves - again. Therefore Cyrus in perils and battles talked at a - thundering rate, but otherwise was mild and gentle in discourse. And Antigonus the Second generally was modest - and free from blustering; but at the sea-fight at Cos,— - one of his friends saying, See you not how much greater - the number of the enemy's ships is than ours?—he answers, - And for how many ships dost thou reckon me?
-This Homer seems to have considered, who makes
- Ulysses, when his friends were dismayed at the noise and
- horrible waves of Charybdis, immind them of his former
- stratagems and valor:
-
-
-
-
For this kind of praise is not such as the haranguers to - the people or sophistical beggars use, nor those who affect - popular humming and applause; but a necessary pledge - of that courage and conduct which must be given to - hearten up our friends. For we know that opinion and - confidence in him whom we esteem endued with the fortitude and experience of a complete captain is, in the crisis - of a battle, no small advantage to the obtaining of the - day.
-We have before declared the opposing of himself to
- the reputation and credit of another to be altogether unbefitting a worthy man; but where a vicious praise becomes
- hurtful and corruptive, creating an earnestness after evil
- things or an evil purpose in great matters, it is not unprofitable to refuse it; but it becomes us to direct the
- minds of the company towards better sentiments of things,
- showing them the difference. For certainly any one will
- be pleased when he sees many voluntarily abstaining from
- the vices they heard cried down and reproved; but if baseness be well accounted of, and honor be made to attend on
- him who pursues pleasure or avarice, where is the nature
- so happily strong that can resist, much less conquer, the
- temptation? Therefore a generous and discreet person
- must set himself against the praises, not of evil men, but
- of evil actions; for this kind of commendation perverts
- the judgments of men, and miserably leads them to imitate
-
-
-
-
well opposes these,
-
-
-
-
This kind of praise is amiable and advantageous, teaching to admire and love convenient and profitable things - instead of the superfluous and vain. Thus much for the - stating of the question, in what cases and how far self-praise may be inoffensive.
-Now the order of the discourse requires to show
- how an uncomely and unseasonable affectation of praise
- may be avoided. Discourse of a man's self usually sallies
- from self-love, as from its fort, and is there observed to
- lay wait, even in those who are vulgarly thought free
-
-
For first (as is above said), ambition usually intrudes - into the praises of others with some flourishing remarks - to adorn herself. For let a person be commended by his - equal or inferior, the mind of the ambitious is tickled and - rubbed at the hearing of his praise, and immediately he - is hurried by an intemperate desire and precipitation after - the like; as the appetite of the hungry is sharpened by - seeing others eat.
-In the second place, the story of men's prosperous
- actions naturally carries them into the humor of boasting;
- and joy so far transports them, that they swell with their
- own words when they would give you a relation of their
- victories or their success in the business of the state, or
- of their other publicly applauded actions or orations, and
- find it difficult to contain themselves and preserve a mean.
- In which kind of error it is observable that soldiers and
- mariners are most entangled. Nor is it infrequent with
- those who return from the government of provinces and
- the management of great affairs. Such as these, when
- mention is once made of illustrious and royal personages,
- presently thrust in some eulogies of themselves, as proceeding from the favor and kind opinion of those princes;
- and then they fancy they seem not at all to have praised
- themselves, but to have given only a bare account what
- great men have said honorably of them. So another sort,
- little different from these, think they are not discerned
- when they tell you all the familiarities of kings and emperors with them and their particular applying themselves
-
-
We see then what reason we have to look narrowly to
- ourselves, that, whilst we confer praises on others, we
- give no ground for suspicion that we make them but the
- vehicles of our own, and that, in pretending to celebrate
- Patroclus,
under his name we mean romantically ourselves.
Further, that kind of discourse which consists in - dispraising and finding fault is dangerous, and yields opportunity to those that watch it for the magnifying their - own little worth. Of this old men are inclinable to be - guilty, when, by chastising and debasing others for their - vices, they exalt themselves as wonderfully great in the - opposite virtues. Indeed to these there must be a very - large concession, if they be reverend not only in age, but - in virtue and place; for it is not altogether an unprofitable way, since it may sometimes create an extraordinary - zeal and emulation of honor in those who are thus spurred - up. But otherwise that sort of humor is carefully to be - shunned; for reproof is often bitter, and wants a great - deal of caution to sweeten and correct it. Now this is - not done by the tempering our own praises with the reprehension of another; for he is an unworthy and odious - fellow who seeks his own credit through any man's disgrace, basely endeavoring to build a slight reputation of - his virtue upon the discovery of another's crimes.
-Lastly, as they who are naturally inclined to a dangerous sort of laughter,—which is a kind of violent passion or disease,—must preserve especially the smooth
- parts of the body from tickling incentives, which cause
- these parts to yield and relent, thus provoking the passion; so they whose minds are soft and propense to the
- desires of reputation must carefully beware that they be
-
-
Some there are who flatter themselves, till they are stupidly puffed up; others allure a man to talk of himself,
- and take him by casting some little gilded temptation in
- his way; and another sort for a little sport will be putting
- questions, as those in Menander to the silly braggadocio
- soldier:
-
-
-
-
We must be watchful in all these cases, that we - neither of ourselves drop into our own inconvenient - praises, nor be hooked into them by others. Now the - best and most certain way of security is to look back - upon such as we can remember guilty of this fault, and - to consider how absurd and ugly it is accounted by all - men, and that hardly any thing is in converse a greater - disturbance than this.
-Hence it is that, though there be no other quality in
- such persons unpleasing, yet, as if Nature had taught us
- to abhor and fly it, we hasten out to get a little fresh air;
-
-
-
-
But these faults are not only to be objected against
- common soldiers and upstarts who detain others with
- gaudy and proud relations of their own actions, but also
- against sophists, philosophers, and commanders who grow
- full of themselves and talk at a fastuous rate. Therefore
- it is fit we still remember that another's dispraise always
- accompanies the indiscreet praises of ourselves; that the
- end of vain-glory is disgrace; and that, as Demosthenes
- tells us, the company will both be offended and judge
- otherwise of us than we would have them.
HE that talks big and arrogantly of himself, Herculanus, is universally condemned as a troublesome and ill-bred companion. But the most, even of those who in words mightily declaim against him, seem to applaud him in their actions. Euripides could say,
Yet he often brings in his heroes intolerably boasting, and stuffs their most tragical adventures and passions with improper discourses of themselves. So Pindar declares,
but he forbears not to extol his own raptures, which indeed, by the confession of all men, are worthy of the noblest praise.
But those who are crowned for mastery in the games or in the learned combats have others to celebrate their victories, that the people’s ears be not grated with the harsh noises of self-applause. And Timotheus is justly censured as unskilfully and irregularly setting forth his conquest of The Milesian Timotheus hath vanquished the son of Carbo, the soft Ionian poet.
It is true then, as Xenophon says, The most pleasant sound that a man can hear is his own praise in another’s mouth; but the most odious thing unto others is a man commending himself. For we brand them as impudent who commend themselves, it becoming them to be modest though they were praised by others; and we account them unjust in arrogating that to themselves which another has the sole propriety of bestowing on them. Besides, if we then are silent, we seem either angry or envious; but if we second their discourse, we are presently entangled and forced to contribute more than we intended, speaking to men’s faces what sounds well only behind their backs; and so we undertake rather the base work of drudging flattery than any real offices of true honor.
Yet, however, there is a time when a statesman may be the subject of his own discourse, and give a free relation of things he has worthily done or said, as well as other truths; taking care that it be not merely for favor or reputation, but upon some emergent occasion, and especially, when the deeds achieved by him or the parts that be in him be good and honest, then he is not to forbear and say merely that he hath done so or else much like. There is indeed a praise of this kind which bears very excellent and lovely fruit, from whose seeds arise many of the same species very much meliorated and improved. And therefore it is that the wise statesman seeks glory not as the reward or solace of his virtue, nor embraces it merely as the companion of his achievements, but because the being accounted an honorable person and gallant man affords a thousand opportunities of compassing many and more desirable things. For it is easy and delightful to be of use
There may also be more reasons than these, which we must enquire into, that, while we endeavor to avert a frivolous and nauseous applauding of ourselves, we chance not to omit that sort which may be truly useful.
The praise therefore is vain which a man heaps on himself to provoke others also to praise him, and is chiefly contemptible, as proceeding from an importunate and unseasonable affectation of esteem.
+For as they who are ready to die for food are compelled against nature to gnaw off their own flesh, and thus put a miserable end to their famine; so they who mortally hunger after praise, unless some one afford them a little scantling alms of commendation, do violate the laws of decency, shamelessly endeavoring to supply those wants by an unnatural extolling of themselves.
+But when they do not on the bare consideration of themselves hunt applause, but strive to obscure the worth of others, by fighting against their praises and opposing their own works and practices to theirs, they add to their vanity an envious and abhorred baseness. He who thrusts his foot into another’s dance is stigmatized with a proverb as a ridiculous and pragmatical clown; but upon envy and jealousy to thrust ourselves between the praises of others, or to interrupt the same with our own self praise, is a thing that we ought equally to beware of. Neither should we allow others to praise us at such a time, but frankly yield the honor to those who are then celebrated, if their merit be real; and though the persons be vicious or unworthy, yet must we not take from them by setting up ourselves; but rather on the other hand we must reprove the unskilful applauders, and demonstrate their encomiums to be
But self-praise is not liable to disgrace or blame when it is delicately handled by way of apology to remove a calumny or accusation. Thus Pericles: But ye are angry at me, a man inferior to none, whether it be in the understanding or interpreting of necessary things; a man who am a lover of my country, and above the meannesses of bribes. For, in speaking with this gallantry of himself, he was not only free from arrogance, vanity, and ambition, but he demonstrated the greatness and spirit of that virtue which could not be dejected itself, and even humbled and tamed the haughtiness of envy. Such men as these will hardly be condemned; but those who would vote against them are won over to their cause, do receive infinite satisfaction, and are agreeably inspirited with this noble boasting, especially if that bravery be steady, and the ground firm on which it stands. This history does frequently discover. For, when the Theban generals accused Pelopidas and Epaminondas that, the time for their office as Boeotarchs being expired, they did not forthwith give up their power, but made an incursion into Laconia and repaired and repeopled Messene, Pelopidas, submitting himself and making many lowly entreaties, very hardly obtained his absolution; but Epaminondas loftily glorying in those actions, and at last declaring he would willingly be put to death so that they would set up his accusation, Epaminondas hath wasted Laconia, hath settled Messene, and happily united Arcadia into one state, against our will,
they admired him, and the citizens, wondering at the cheerful greatness of his courage, dismissed him with unspeakable pleasantness and satisfaction.
Therefore, when Agamemnon thus reproached Diomedes,
Sthenelus is not to be much condemned for saying,
for Sthenelus had not been calumniated himself, but he only patronized his abused friend; and so the cause excused that freedom of speech, which seemed otherwise to have something of the glorioso.
But Cicero’s magnifying his diligence and prudence in Catiline’s trial was not very pleasing to the Romans; yet when Scipio said, they ought not to judge Scipio, who had enstated them in the power of judging all men, they ascended crowned to the Capitol, and sacrificed with him. For Cicero was not necessitated to this, but merely spurred by the desire of glory; while the danger wherein Scipio stood delivered him from envy.
Now talking after an high and glorious manner proves advantageous, not only to persons in danger of the law or such like eminent distress, but to those also who are clouded in a dull series of misfortunes; and that more properly than when they appear splendid in the world. For what addition can words make to those who already seem possessed of real glory, and do lie indulging and basking in her beams? But those who at present are incapable of ambition, if they express themselves loftily, seem only to bear up against the storms of Fortune, to undergird the greatness of their souls, and to shun that pity and commiseration which supposes a shipwrecked and forlorn condition. As therefore those who in walking affect a stiffness of body and a stretched-out neck are accounted effeminate and foppish, but are commended if in fencing and fighting they keep themselves erect and steady; so the man grappling with ill fortune, if he raise himself to resist her, Like some stout boxer, ready with his blow,
and by a bravery of speech transform himself from abject and miserable to bold and noble, is not to be censured as obstinate and audacious, but honored as invincible and great. So, although Homer described Patroclus in the happinesses of his life as smooth and without envy, yet in death he makes him have something of the bravo, and a soldier’s gallant roughness:
So Phocion, though otherwise very mild, after the sentence passed on him, showed the greatness of his mind in many respects; particularly to one of his fellow-sufferers, who miserably cried out and bewailed his misfortune, What, says he, is it not a pleasure to thee to die with Phocion?
Further, a man of state has not less but greater liberty to speak any thing of himself when his merits are rewarded with injurious and unkind returns. Achilles usually gave the Gods their glory, and spoke modestly in this manner:
But when he was unhandsomely reproached and aspersed with contumelies, he added swelling words to his anger, and these in his own applause: I sacked twelve ample cities on the main;
and also these:
For apologies claim a great liberty of speech and boasting, as considerable parts of their defence.
Themistocles also, having been guilty of nothing distasteful
They therefore who are injured usually recount their good actions to the ingrate. And, if they also praise those excellences which others are pleased to condemn, they are not only pardonable but altogether without blame. For it is evident they do not reproach others, but apologize for themselves.
+This gave Demosthenes a glorious freedom, yet allayed the offensive brightness of his own praises, which almost everywhere shine through his whole Oration on the Crown, in which he extols those embassies and decrees which were so much objected against him.
Not much unlike this is the insinuating delicacy of an antithesis, when a person, being accused for any thing as a crime, demonstrates its opposite to be base and vicious. So Lycurgus, being upbraided by the Athenians for stopping a sycophant’s mouth with money, said: And what kind of citizen do you then take me to be, who, having so long managed the affairs of the republic amongst you, am at last found rather to have given than to have received money unjustly? And Cicero, Metellus objecting he had cast more by his evidence against them than ever he had acquitted by his pleading for them, replies: Who therefore will not freely declare that Cicero has more honesty and faith than eloquence? Many expressions of this nature are in Demosthenes; particularly, But who might not justly have slain me, if I had endeavored in word only to sully the honors and glorious titles which the city hath? Or, What, think you, would those vile fellows have said, if,
But this may very profitably be learned therein, that, delicately tempering the encomiums of his auditors with the things relating to himself, he secures himself from being liable to envy, nor becomes suspected of self-love. There he relates in what manner the Athenians behaved themselves to the Euboeans, in what manner to the Thebans, and what benefits they conferred upon those of Byzantium and Chersonesus; in all which he confesses his part was only that of their minister or steward. Thus by a rhetorical deceit, he finely and insensibly instils his own praises into his hearers, who pleasingly hang upon his words, and rejoice at the commemoration of those worthy deeds. Now this joy is immediately seconded by admiration, and admiration is succeeded by a liking and love of that person who so wisely administered the affairs. This Epaminondas seems to have considered, when reviled by Meneclidas, as though he had an higher opinion of himself than ever Agamemnon had. If it be so, says he, Thebans, ’tis you have puffed me up; you, by whose help alone I overthrew the Lacedaemonian empire in one day.
But since for the most part men are exceedingly displeased with those who are the trumpeters of their own fame, but if they sound forth another’s, are delighted and give them cheerful acclamations; it is hence grown a frequent custom amongst orators, by a seasonable extolling those who have like purposes, actions, and manner of life with theirs, to assure and wheedle over the auditory to themselves. For the hearers know that, though the panegyrist solemnizes another’s worth, he has yet the same endowments of virtue, so that his encomiums will redound
These things the man of state must know and observe. Now those who are forced upon their own praises are the more excusable, if they arrogate not the causes wholly to themselves, but ascribe them in part to Fortune and in part to God. Achilles therefore said:
And Timoleon did well, who erected a fane to Fortune, and dedicated his house to the Good Genius, to whom he referred the felicity of his attempts. But best of all, Python of Aenos, after he had slain Cotys, coming to Athens and perceiving the orators very busy in applauding him to the people, which displeased many and stirred them up to envy, thus speaks: These things, ye Athenians, some of the Gods have done; our hands were only the instruments of their work. Sylla also prevented envy by perpetually praising Fortune, not his own prowess; and at last surnamed himself Epaphroditus, in acknowledgment that his success proceeded from the care of Venus. For men will more readily impute a defeat to chance or the pleasure of some God than to the virtue of the conqueror; for the one they think to be a good not pertinent to the conqueror, but
This kind of excuses may be framed as convenient remedies or preventions when we have to do with persons of a difficult or envious humor. But it is not amiss to use some little revocations or corrections of what may seem spoken to our praise, before those who are of a sedate and composed temper. If any commend us as those who have learning, riches, or authority, we should hinder them from choosing such topics, and rather desire of them, if they can, to take notice of us as innocent, good, and useful. Thus we do not so much confer as transfer praises, and seem not to be puffed up with our applauders, but rather to be offended that they have not praised conveniently and for truly meritorious things. We hide also inferior with better qualifications; yet not as desiring to be commended, but as teaching to commend aright. Such forms as these may be referred hither: It is true, I have not walled the city with stones or brick; but if you will view my fortifications, you shall find armor, and horses, and confederates.
If you know me well, let my justice or temperance, my equanimity or humanity, be rather spoken of. For even envy herself can easily concede the lesser honors to him who refuses the greater; nor will it rob any of true encomiums, not to expect false and vain ones. Therefore several princes, who permitted not themselves to be called Gods or the offspring of the Gods, have yet assumed the titles Philadelphus, Philometor, Evergetes, or Theophilus; and were never offended when they were honored with those glorious yet human appellations.
Again, they who in their writings and sayings are absolute votaries to wisdom by no means will be called
Now as skilful painters, that they may not offend those that have weak eyes, allay their over-bright and gaudy colors by tempering them with darker; so there are some who will not represent their own praises altogether I’ll crush my adversary’s body, break his bones;
yet he would seem to qualify all with this, Is’t not enough that I’m in fight unskilled?
But, to say truth, to excuse his arrogance with so base a confession is ridiculous. He then who would be an exact man corrects himself for his forgetfulness, ignorance, ambition, or eagerness for certain knowledge and discourses. So does Ulysses when he says of the Sirens,
and again, when he sang of his visit to the Cyclops,
And for the most part it is a good antidote against envy, to mix amongst our praises those faults that are not altogether ungenerous and base. Therefore many temper them not only with confessions of poverty or unskilfulness, but even of vile descent. So Agathocles, carousing amongst the Sicilian youth in golden bowls very curiously wrought, commanded earthen pots to be brought in. See (says he) what diligence, laboriousness, and fortitude can do! Once we made muggen jugs, but now vessels of gold. For his original was so mean and contemptible, that it was thought he had served in a potter’s shop who at last governed almost all Sicily.
These are the outward preventions or remedies against diseases that may arise from the speaking of one’s
And this:
For as they who obtain great possessions of houses or lands gratis and with little difficulty are under the eye of envy, but not if their purchases were troublesome and dear, so it is with them who arrive at honor and applause.
Well then, since it is evident we may praise ourselves not only inoffensively and without being liable to envy, but with great advantage too; that we may seem not to do this for itself, but for a further and better end, first consider whether it may prove for the instruction of the company, by exciting them to a virtuous emulation. For so Nestor’s relation of his own achievements inflamed Patroclus and nine others with a vehement desire of single combat; and we know the counsel that brings persuasive deeds as well as words, a lively exemplar, and an immediate familiar incentive, insouls a man with courage, moves, yea, vehemently spurs him up to such a resolution of mind as cannot doubt the possibility and success of the attempt. This was the reason of that chorus in Lacedaemon consisting of boys, young men, and old men, which thus sang in parts:—
Well and politicly in this public entertainment did the legislator propose to the youth obvious and domestic ex
Moreover, it is not only available for the exciting of a generous emulation, but sometimes requisite for the silencing and taming an insolent and audacious man, to talk a little gloriously of one’s self. As Nestor in this:
And Aristotle writes to Alexander, that not only those who have mighty empires may think highly of themselves, but they also who have worthy thoughts and notions of the Gods. Such a remark as this is also profitable against enemies, and recalls the spirits: Weak sons of misery our strength oppose.
And such a reflection as that of Agesilaus, who said concerning the king of Persia, when he heard him called the Great: And who is greater than I, unless he be more just? So Epaminondas answered the Lacedaemonians, when they had spun out a long accusation against the Thebans: I see then we have forced you out of your wonted humor of short speech.
The like to these are proper against adversaries; but amongst our friends and fellow-citizens a seasonable glorying is good not only to humble and throw down their haughtiness, but if they be fearful or astonished, to fetch back their courage and teach them to rally up themselves again. Therefore Cyrus in perils and battles talked at a thundering rate, but otherwise was mild and gentle in discourse. And Antigonus the Second generally was modest and free from blustering; but at the sea-fight at Cos,— one of his friends saying, See you not how much greater the number of the enemy’s ships is than ours?—he answers, And for how many ships dost thou reckon me?
This Homer seems to have considered, who makes Ulysses, when his friends were dismayed at the noise and horrible waves of Charybdis, immind them of his former stratagems and valor:
For this kind of praise is not such as the haranguers to the people or sophistical beggars use, nor those who affect popular humming and applause; but a necessary pledge of that courage and conduct which must be given to hearten up our friends. For we know that opinion and confidence in him whom we esteem endued with the fortitude and experience of a complete captain is, in the crisis of a battle, no small advantage to the obtaining of the day.
We have before declared the opposing of himself to the reputation and credit of another to be altogether unbefitting a worthy man; but where a vicious praise becomes hurtful and corruptive, creating an earnestness after evil things or an evil purpose in great matters, it is not unprofitable to refuse it; but it becomes us to direct the minds of the company towards better sentiments of things, showing them the difference. For certainly any one will be pleased when he sees many voluntarily abstaining from the vices they heard cried down and reproved; but if baseness be well accounted of, and honor be made to attend on him who pursues pleasure or avarice, where is the nature so happily strong that can resist, much less conquer, the temptation? Therefore a generous and discreet person must set himself against the praises, not of evil men, but of evil actions; for this kind of commendation perverts the judgments of men, and miserably leads them to imitate
well opposes these,
This kind of praise is amiable and advantageous, teaching to admire and love convenient and profitable things instead of the superfluous and vain. Thus much for the stating of the question, in what cases and how far self-praise may be inoffensive.
Now the order of the discourse requires to show how an uncomely and unseasonable affectation of praise may be avoided. Discourse of a man’s self usually sallies from self-love, as from its fort, and is there observed to lay wait, even in those who are vulgarly thought free
For first (as is above said), ambition usually intrudes into the praises of others with some flourishing remarks to adorn herself. For let a person be commended by his equal or inferior, the mind of the ambitious is tickled and rubbed at the hearing of his praise, and immediately he is hurried by an intemperate desire and precipitation after the like; as the appetite of the hungry is sharpened by seeing others eat.
In the second place, the story of men’s prosperous actions naturally carries them into the humor of boasting; and joy so far transports them, that they swell with their own words when they would give you a relation of their victories or their success in the business of the state, or of their other publicly applauded actions or orations, and find it difficult to contain themselves and preserve a mean. In which kind of error it is observable that soldiers and mariners are most entangled. Nor is it infrequent with those who return from the government of provinces and the management of great affairs. Such as these, when mention is once made of illustrious and royal personages, presently thrust in some eulogies of themselves, as proceeding from the favor and kind opinion of those princes; and then they fancy they seem not at all to have praised themselves, but to have given only a bare account what great men have said honorably of them. So another sort, little different from these, think they are not discerned when they tell you all the familiarities of kings and emperors with them and their particular applying themselves
We see then what reason we have to look narrowly to ourselves, that, whilst we confer praises on others, we give no ground for suspicion that we make them but the vehicles of our own, and that, in pretending to celebrate Patroclus,
under his name we mean romantically ourselves.
Further, that kind of discourse which consists in dispraising and finding fault is dangerous, and yields opportunity to those that watch it for the magnifying their own little worth. Of this old men are inclinable to be guilty, when, by chastising and debasing others for their vices, they exalt themselves as wonderfully great in the opposite virtues. Indeed to these there must be a very large concession, if they be reverend not only in age, but in virtue and place; for it is not altogether an unprofitable way, since it may sometimes create an extraordinary zeal and emulation of honor in those who are thus spurred up. But otherwise that sort of humor is carefully to be shunned; for reproof is often bitter, and wants a great deal of caution to sweeten and correct it. Now this is not done by the tempering our own praises with the reprehension of another; for he is an unworthy and odious fellow who seeks his own credit through any man’s disgrace, basely endeavoring to build a slight reputation of his virtue upon the discovery of another’s crimes.
Lastly, as they who are naturally inclined to a dangerous sort of laughter,—which is a kind of violent passion or disease,—must preserve especially the smooth parts of the body from tickling incentives, which cause these parts to yield and relent, thus provoking the passion; so they whose minds are soft and propense to the desires of reputation must carefully beware that they be
Some there are who flatter themselves, till they are stupidly puffed up; others allure a man to talk of himself, and take him by casting some little gilded temptation in his way; and another sort for a little sport will be putting questions, as those in Menander to the silly braggadocio soldier:
We must be watchful in all these cases, that we neither of ourselves drop into our own inconvenient praises, nor be hooked into them by others. Now the best and most certain way of security is to look back upon such as we can remember guilty of this fault, and to consider how absurd and ugly it is accounted by all men, and that hardly any thing is in converse a greater disturbance than this.
+Hence it is that, though there be no other quality in such persons unpleasing, yet, as if Nature had taught us to abhor and fly it, we hasten out to get a little fresh air;
But these faults are not only to be objected against common soldiers and upstarts who detain others with gaudy and proud relations of their own actions, but also against sophists, philosophers, and commanders who grow full of themselves and talk at a fastuous rate. Therefore it is fit we still remember that another’s dispraise always accompanies the indiscreet praises of ourselves; that the end of vain-glory is disgrace; and that, as Demosthenes tells us, the company will both be offended and judge otherwise of us than we would have them.
optical character recognition
-τὸ περὶ ἑαυτοῦ λέγειν ὡς τι ὄντος ἢ δυναμένου
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οὐ παύεται μεγαληγορῶν περὶ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ δυνάμεως ἀξίας μὲν
- ἐγκωμίων οὔσης· τίς γὰρ οὔ φησιν; ἀλλὰ
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εἰκότως δυσχεραίνομεν ὡς ἀμούσως καὶ παρανόμως;
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οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καίπερ οὕτω τούτων ἐχόντων, ἔστιν ᾗ παρακινδυνεύσειεν
- ἂν ὁ πολιτικὸς ἀνὴρ ἅψασθαι τῆς καλουμένης; περιαυτολογίας πρὸς
- οὐδεμίαν αὑτοῦ δόξαν ἢ χάριν, ἀλλὰ καιροῦ καὶ πράξεως
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ἔστιν οὖν κενὸς ἔπαινος ὁ τῶν ἑαυτοὺς ἐπαινεῖν, ὅπως ἐπαινεθῶσι,
- δοκούντων καὶ καταφρονεῖται
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ταῦτα μὲν οὖν δῆλον ὅτι φυλακτέον.
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αὑτὸν δʼ ἐπαινεῖν ἀμέμπτως ἔστι πρῶτον μέν, ἂν ἀπολογούμενος τοῦτο
- ποιῇς πρὸς διαβολὴν ἢ κατηγορίαν, ὡς ὁ Περικλῆς· “καίτοι ἐμοὶ
- τοιούτῳ ἀνδρὶ ὀργίζεσθε, ὃς οὐδενὸς ἥσσων οἴομαι εἶναι γνῶναὶ τε
- τὰ δέοντα καὶ ἑρμηνεῦσαι ταῦτα, φιλόπολίς τε
- ἡμεῖς τοι πατέρων μέγʼ ἀμείνονες εὐχόμεθʼ
- εἶναι,
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οὐδὲ γὰρ αὐτὸς ἀκούσας κακῶς ἀλλʼ ὑπὲρ τοῦ φίλου λοιδορηθέντος
- ἠμύνατο, τῇ περιαυτολογίᾳ παρρησίαν
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οὐ μόνον δὲ κρινομένοις καὶ κινδυνεύουσιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ δυστυχοῦσι μᾶλλον
- ἁρμόζει μεγαλαυχία καὶ
-πύκτης ὅπως εἰς
- τοιοῦτοι δʼ εἴπερ μοι ἐείκοσιν ἀντεβόλησαν.
καὶ Φωκίων τἄλλα πρᾶος ἦν· μετὰ δὲ τὴν καταδίκην ἄλλοις τε
- πολλοῖς διεδείκνυε τὴν μεγαλοφροσύνην, καὶ πρὸς ἕνα τῶν συναποθνῃσκόντων
- ὀδυρόμενον
ἔτι τοίνυν οὐχ ἧττον ἀλλὰ καὶ μᾶλλον ἀδικουμένῳ τῷ πολιτικῷ δέδοται
- τὸ λέγειν τι περὶ
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ὑβρισθεὶς; δὲ παρʼ ἀξίαν καὶ προπηλακισθεὶς ἐφίησι τὴν
- μεγαλαυχίαν τῇ ὀργῇ·
- δώδεκα γὰρ
καί
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δέχεται γὰρ ἡ παρρησία, μέρος οὖσα τῆς δικαιολογίας, τὴν
- μεγαληγορίαν. ἀμέλει δὲ καὶ Θεμιστοκλῆς οὐδὲν ἐπὶ τῶν πράξεων εἰπὼν
- οὐδὲ ποιήσας ἐπαχθές, ὁπηνίκα τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἑώρα μεστοὺς ὄντας
- αὐτοῦ
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οὗτοι μὲν οὖν ἄλλως ἀδικούμενοι τῶν κατωρθωμένων
οὐ πόρρω δὲ τούτου τεταγμένον ἔχει τινὰ χάριν
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οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῦτο χρήσιμόν ἐστιν ἐν ἐκείνῳ τῷ λόγῳ καταμαθεῖν,
- ὅτι μιγνύων ἐμμελέστατα τῷ περὶ αὑτοῦ λόγῳ τὸν περὶ τῶν ἀκουόντων
- ἔπαινον ἀνεπίφθονον ἐποίει καὶ ἀφίλαυτον· οἵους
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ἐπεὶ δὲ τῷ μὲν ἑαυτὸν ἐπαινοῦντι πολεμοῦσιν οἱ πολλοὶ σφόδρα καὶ
- ἄχθονται, τῷ δʼ ἑτέρους οὐχ ὁμοίως, ἀλλὰ καὶ χαίρουσι πολλάκις καὶ
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ταῦτα μὲν οὖν καὶ ἄλλως ἐπίστασθαι καὶ
- ἐπεὶ δὴ τόνδʼ ἄνδρα θεοὶ δαμάσασθαι ἔδωκαν
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ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ἴσως πρὸς τοὺς παντάπασι χαλεποὺς καὶ βασκάνους ἀνάγκη
- τὰ φάρμακα καὶ τὰ
- οὔ τίς τοι θεός εἰμι· τί μʼ ἀθανάτοισιν ἐίσκεις;
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καὶ μὴν ὥσπερ οἱ τοὺς ὀφθαλμιῶντας ἐνοχλεῖν φυλαττόμενοι τοῖς ἄγαν
- λαμπροῖς σκιάν τινα παραμιγνύουσιν, οὕτως ἔνιοι τοὺς αὑτῶν ἐπαίνους μὴ
- παντελῶς λαμπροὺς μηδʼ ἀκράτους προσφέροντες, ἀλλά τινας ἐλλείψεις ἢ
- ἀποτεύξεις ἢ ἁμαρτίας
- ʼ
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καὶ πάλιν
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καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ἔξωθεν ἔστιν ἐπεισάγεσθαι φάρμακα τῆς περιαυτολογίας.
- ἕτερα δʼ αὐτοῖς τρόπον
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καὶ τὸ
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ὡς γὰρ οἰκίαν καὶ χωρίον, οὕτω καὶ δόξαν οἱ πολλοὶ
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ἐπεὶ δʼ οὐ μόνον ἀλύπως καὶ ἀνεπιφθόνως ἀλλὰ καὶ χρησίμως καὶ
- ὠφελίμως προσοιστέον ἐστὶ
- ἄμμες ποτʼ
οἱ δὲ τῶν παίδων ἄμμες
- δὲ γʼ ἐσσόμεθα πολλῷ κάρρονες
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οἱ δὲ ἄμμες δὲ γʼ εἰμές αἰ
- δὲ λῇς, αὐγάσδεο·
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οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ καταπλήξεως ἐνιαχοῦ καὶ συστολῆς ἕνεκα καὶ τοῦ
- ταπεινῶσαι καὶ λαβεῖν
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- δυστήνων δέ τε παῖδες ἐμῷ μένει ἀντιόωσι.
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οὐ γάρ ἐστι δημαγωγοῦντος οὐδὲ σοφιστιῶντος ὁ
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ὅτι μὲν οὖν τὸ πρὸς ἔπαινον ἀλλότριον καὶ δόξαν ἀντιπαραβάλλειν
- ἑαυτὸν ἥκιστα πολιτικόν, εἴρηται πρότερον· οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ὅπου βλάπτει
- καὶ διαφθείρει ζῆλον ἐμποιῶν πρὸς τὰ φαῦλα καὶ προαίρεσιν πονηρὰν ἐν
- πράγμασι μεγάλοις ἡμαρτημένος
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ἀντέγραψε τὸ
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λείπεται ὁ ἡμῖν, τοῦ λόγου τὸ ἐφεξῆς ἀπαιτοῦντος καὶ παρακαλοῦντος,
- εἰπεῖν ὅπως ἂν ἕκαστος ἐκφύγοι τὸ ἐπαινεῖν ἀκαίρως ἑαυτόν. μέγα
- γὰρ ἡ περιαυτολογία τὴν φιλαυτίαν ὁρμητήριον ἔχουσα, καὶ τοῖς πάνυ
- δοκοῦσι μετρίως ἔχειν πρὸς δόξαν
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δεύτερον αἱ
ἀλλὰ μὴν καὶ τὸ περὶ τοὺς ψόγους καὶ τὰς καταιτιάσεις γένος ἐπισφαλές
- ἐστι καὶ παρέχον ἐκτροπὰς τοῖς περὶ δόξαν νοσοῦσιν. ᾧ μάλιστα
- περιπίπτουσιν οἱ γέροντες, ὅταν εἰς τὸ νουθετεῖν ἑτέρους
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ἔτι τοίνυν τοῖς μὲν πρὸς τοὺς γέλωτας εὐκαταφόροις
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“πρὸς τεῖχος ἀναβαίνων.” “ἐγὼ μὲν δεικνύω”
“ἐσπουδακώς, οἱ δὲ πάλιν ἐπεμυκτήρισαν.”
ἐν ἅπασιν οὖν τούτοις εὐλαβητέον ὡς ἔνι μάλιστα, μήτε συνεκπίπτοντα
- τοῖς ἐπαίνοις μήτε ταῖς
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οὐ παύεται μεγαληγορῶν περὶ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ δυνάμεως ἀξίας μὲν ἐγκωμίων οὔσης· τίς γὰρ οὔ φησιν; ἀλλὰ
εἰκότως δυσχεραίνομεν ὡς ἀμούσως καὶ παρανόμως;
οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καίπερ οὕτω τούτων ἐχόντων, ἔστιν ᾗ παρακινδυνεύσειεν ἂν ὁ πολιτικὸς ἀνὴρ ἅψασθαι τῆς καλουμένης; περιαυτολογίας πρὸς οὐδεμίαν αὑτοῦ δόξαν ἢ χάριν, ἀλλὰ καιροῦ καὶ πράξεως
οὐ παύεται μεγαληγορῶν περὶ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ δυνάμεως ἀξίας μὲν ἐγκωμίων οὔσης· τίς γὰρ οὔ φησιν; ἀλλὰ
εἰκότως δυσχεραίνομεν ὡς ἀμούσως καὶ παρανόμως;
οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καίπερ οὕτω τούτων ἐχόντων, ἔστιν ᾗ παρακινδυνεύσειεν ἂν ὁ πολιτικὸς ἀνὴρ ἅψασθαι τῆς καλουμένης; περιαυτολογίας πρὸς οὐδεμίαν αὑτοῦ δόξαν ἢ χάριν, ἀλλὰ καιροῦ καὶ πράξεως
ἔστιν οὖν κενὸς ἔπαινος ὁ τῶν ἑαυτοὺς ἐπαινεῖν, ὅπως ἐπαινεθῶσι, δοκούντων καὶ καταφρονεῖται
αὑτὸν δʼ ἐπαινεῖν ἀμέμπτως ἔστι πρῶτον μέν, ἂν ἀπολογούμενος τοῦτο ποιῇς πρὸς διαβολὴν ἢ κατηγορίαν, ὡς ὁ Περικλῆς· καίτοι ἐμοὶ τοιούτῳ ἀνδρὶ ὀργίζεσθε, ὃς οὐδενὸς ἥσσων οἴομαι εἶναι γνῶναὶ τε τὰ δέοντα καὶ ἑρμηνεῦσαι ταῦτα, φιλόπολίς τε
ἡμεῖς τοι πατέρων μέγʼ ἀμείνονες εὐχόμεθʼ εἶναι,
οὐδὲ γὰρ αὐτὸς ἀκούσας κακῶς ἀλλʼ ὑπὲρ τοῦ φίλου λοιδορηθέντος ἠμύνατο, τῇ περιαυτολογίᾳ παρρησίαν
οὐ μόνον δὲ κρινομένοις καὶ κινδυνεύουσιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ δυστυχοῦσι μᾶλλον ἁρμόζει μεγαλαυχία καὶ πύκτης ὅπως εἰς
τοιοῦτοι δʼ εἴπερ μοι ἐείκοσιν ἀντεβόλησαν.
καὶ Φωκίων τἄλλα πρᾶος ἦν· μετὰ δὲ τὴν καταδίκην ἄλλοις τε πολλοῖς διεδείκνυε τὴν μεγαλοφροσύνην, καὶ πρὸς ἕνα τῶν συναποθνῃσκόντων ὀδυρόμενον τί λέγεις
εἶπεν οὗτος;
ἔτι τοίνυν οὐχ ἧττον ἀλλὰ καὶ μᾶλλον ἀδικουμένῳ τῷ πολιτικῷ δέδοται τὸ λέγειν τι περὶ
ὑβρισθεὶς; δὲ παρʼ ἀξίαν καὶ προπηλακισθεὶς ἐφίησι τὴν μεγαλαυχίαν τῇ ὀργῇ· δώδεκα γὰρ
καί
δέχεται γὰρ ἡ παρρησία, μέρος οὖσα τῆς δικαιολογίας, τὴν μεγαληγορίαν. ἀμέλει δὲ καὶ Θεμιστοκλῆς οὐδὲν ἐπὶ τῶν πράξεων εἰπὼν οὐδὲ ποιήσας ἐπαχθές, ὁπηνίκα τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἑώρα μεστοὺς ὄντας αὐτοῦ τί, ὦ μακάριοι,
καὶ ἔτι χειμαζόμενοι μὲν ὥσπερ ὑπὸ δένδρον ὑποφεύγετε, γενομένης δʼ εὐδίας τίλλετε παρεξιόντες.
οὗτοι μὲν οὖν ἄλλως ἀδικούμενοι τῶν κατωρθωμένων
οὐ πόρρω δὲ τούτου τεταγμένον ἔχει τινὰ χάριν εἶτʼ
ἔφη ποῖός τις ὑμῖν δοκῶ εἶναι πολίτης, ὃς τοσοῦτον χρόνον τὰ δημόσια
καὶ ὁ Κικέρων, τοῦ Μετέλλου πρὸς αὐτὸν εἰπόντος ὅτι πλείονας ἀνῄρηκε καταμαρτυρήσας ἢ συνηγορήσας σέσωκε, τίς δʼ
εἶπεν οὔ φησιν ἐν ἐμοὶ πλέον εἶναι πίστεως ἢ δεινότητος;
καὶ τὰ δʼ οὐκ ἂν
καὶ τί ἂν
καὶ
οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῦτο χρήσιμόν ἐστιν ἐν ἐκείνῳ τῷ λόγῳ καταμαθεῖν, ὅτι μιγνύων ἐμμελέστατα τῷ περὶ αὑτοῦ λόγῳ τὸν περὶ τῶν ἀκουόντων ἔπαινον ἀνεπίφθονον ἐποίει καὶ ἀφίλαυτον· οἵους διʼ ὑμᾶς γʼ
εἶπεν ὦ ἄνδρες Θηβαῖοι, μεθʼ ὧν μόνον ἐν ἡμέρᾳ μιᾷ κατέλυσα τὴν Λακεδαιμονίων ἀρχήν.
ἐπεὶ δὲ τῷ μὲν ἑαυτὸν ἐπαινοῦντι πολεμοῦσιν οἱ πολλοὶ σφόδρα καὶ ἄχθονται, τῷ δʼ ἑτέρους οὐχ ὁμοίως, ἀλλὰ καὶ χαίρουσι πολλάκις καὶ σὺ γὰρ οὐ τοιοῦτος;
Ἀλέξανδρος μὲν οὖν Ἡρακλέα τιμῶν καὶ πάλιν Ἀλέξανδρον Ἀνδρόκοττος,
ταῦτα μὲν οὖν καὶ ἄλλως ἐπίστασθαι καὶ ἐπεὶ δὴ τόνδʼ ἄνδρα θεοὶ δαμάσασθαι ἔδωκαν
ἀγαθῷ δαίμονι
καθιερώσας· ἄριστα δὲ Πύθων ὁ Αἴνιος, ἐπειδὴ Κότυν ἀποκτείνας ἧκεν εἰς Ἀθήνας ταῦτʼ
εἶπεν ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, θεός τις ἔπραξεν, ἡμεῖς δὲ τὰς χεῖρας ἐχρήσαμεν
ἀφῄρει δὲ καὶ Σύλλας τὸν φθόνον ἀεὶ
ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ἴσως πρὸς τοὺς παντάπασι χαλεποὺς καὶ βασκάνους ἀνάγκη τὰ φάρμακα καὶ τὰ οὐ λίθοις
τοιούτου τινὸς ἔοικεν ἅπτεσθαι. καὶ τὸ τοῦ Περικλέους ἔτι μᾶλλον· ὀλοφυρόμενοι οὔ τίς τοι θεός εἰμι· τί μʼ ἀθανάτοισιν ἐίσκεις;
θείως
καὶ τὸ δαιμονίως
καὶ τὸ μεγάλως
ἐν ταῖς ἐπιδείξεσι προσδεχόμενοι, καὶ τὸ μετρίως
καὶ τὸ ἀνθρωπίνως
προσαπολλύουσι.
καὶ μὴν ὥσπερ οἱ τοὺς ὀφθαλμιῶντας ἐνοχλεῖν φυλαττόμενοι τοῖς ἄγαν λαμπροῖς σκιάν τινα παραμιγνύουσιν, οὕτως ἔνιοι τοὺς αὑτῶν ἐπαίνους μὴ παντελῶς λαμπροὺς μηδʼ ἀκράτους προσφέροντες, ἀλλά τινας ἐλλείψεις ἢ ἀποτεύξεις ἢ ἁμαρτίας ʼ
καὶ πάλιν
τοιοῦτόν ἐστιν
ἔφη τὸ ἐνδελεχὲς καὶ φιλόπονον
καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ἔξωθεν ἔστιν ἐπεισάγεσθαι φάρμακα τῆς περιαυτολογίας. ἕτερα δʼ αὐτοῖς τρόπον
καὶ τὸ
ὡς γὰρ οἰκίαν καὶ χωρίον, οὕτω καὶ δόξαν οἱ πολλοὶ
ἐπεὶ δʼ οὐ μόνον ἀλύπως καὶ ἀνεπιφθόνως ἀλλὰ καὶ χρησίμως καὶ ὠφελίμως προσοιστέον ἐστὶ ἄμμες ποτʼ
οἱ δὲ τῶν παίδων ἄμμες δὲ γʼ ἐσσόμεθα πολλῷ κάρρονες
οἱ δὲ ἄμμες δὲ γʼ εἰμές αἰ δὲ λῇς, αὐγάσδεο·
οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ καταπλήξεως ἐνιαχοῦ καὶ συστολῆς ἕνεκα καὶ τοῦ ταπεινῶσαι καὶ λαβεῖν
δυστήνων δέ τε παῖδες ἐμῷ μένει ἀντιόωσι.
τί δʼ ἐμοῦ γε μείζων ἐκεῖνος, εἰ μὴ καὶ δικαιότερος;
καὶ πρὸς τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἡμεῖς μὲν γʼ ὑμᾶς βραχυλογοῦντας ἐπαύσαμεν
ἀλλὰ ἐμεγαληγόρει ἄλλοτε δʼ οὐ μεγαλήγορος ἦν.
καὶ Ἀντίγονος ὁ δεύτερος τἄλλα μὲν ἦν ἄτυφος καὶ μέτριος, οὐχ ὁρᾷς, ὅσῳ πλείους εἰσὶν αἱ πολέμιαι νῆες;
δὲ γʼ αὐτόν
εἶπε πρὸς πόσας ἀντιτάττετε;
καὶ
οὐ γάρ ἐστι δημαγωγοῦντος οὐδὲ σοφιστιῶντος ὁ
ὅτι μὲν οὖν τὸ πρὸς ἔπαινον ἀλλότριον καὶ δόξαν ἀντιπαραβάλλειν ἑαυτὸν ἥκιστα πολιτικόν, εἴρηται πρότερον· οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ὅπου βλάπτει καὶ διαφθείρει ζῆλον ἐμποιῶν πρὸς τὰ φαῦλα καὶ προαίρεσιν πονηρὰν ἐν πράγμασι μεγάλοις ἡμαρτημένος ἀλλʼ οὐ τὸ ποιεῖν, ὦ βέλτιστε, κλαίειν καὶ δακρύειν, τὸ δὲ παύειν λυπουμένους καὶ κλαίοντας σεμνόν ἐστιν.
ἐπαινῶν γὰρ ἑαυτὸν ὠφελεῖ τὸν ἀκούοντα καὶ μετατίθησι τὴν κρίσιν. οὕτω καὶ ὁ Ζήνων πρὸς τὸ πλῆθος τῶν Θεοφράστου μαθητῶν ὁ κείνου
μείζων, οὑμὸς δὲ συμφωνότερος.
καὶ ὁ Φωκίων, ἔτι τοῦ Λεωσθένους εὐημεροῦντος, ὑπὸ τῶν ῥητόρων ἐρωτώμενος τί τὴν πόλιν αὐτὸς ἀγαθὸν πεποίηκεν, οὐδέν
εἶπεν ἀλλʼ ἢ ὑμᾶς, ἐμοῦ στρατηγοῦντος, ἐπιτάφιον λόγον μὴ εἰπεῖν ἀλλὰ πάντας
πάνυ δὲ χαριέντως καὶ ὁ Κράτης πρὸς τὸ
ἀντέγραψε τὸ
λείπεται ὁ ἡμῖν, τοῦ λόγου τὸ ἐφεξῆς ἀπαιτοῦντος καὶ παρακαλοῦντος, εἰπεῖν ὅπως ἂν ἕκαστος ἐκφύγοι τὸ ἐπαινεῖν ἀκαίρως ἑαυτόν. μέγα γὰρ ἡ περιαυτολογία τὴν φιλαυτίαν ὁρμητήριον ἔχουσα, καὶ τοῖς πάνυ δοκοῦσι μετρίως ἔχειν πρὸς δόξαν
δεύτερον αἱ Πάτροκλον
ἀλλὰ μὴν καὶ τὸ περὶ τοὺς ψόγους καὶ τὰς καταιτιάσεις γένος ἐπισφαλές ἐστι καὶ παρέχον ἐκτροπὰς τοῖς περὶ δόξαν νοσοῦσιν. ᾧ μάλιστα περιπίπτουσιν οἱ γέροντες, ὅταν εἰς τὸ νουθετεῖν ἑτέρους
αὑτὸν δʼ ἐπαινεῖν ἀμέμπτως ἔστι πρῶτον μέν, ἂν ἀπολογούμενος τοῦτο ποιῇς πρὸς διαβολὴν ἢ κατηγορίαν, ὡς ὁ Περικλῆς· καίτοι ἐμοὶ τοιούτῳ ἀνδρὶ ὀργίζεσθε, ὃς οὐδενὸς ἥσσων οἴομαι εἶναι γνῶναὶ τε τὰ δέοντα καὶ ἑρμηνεῦσαι ταῦτα, φιλόπολίς τε
ἡμεῖς τοι πατέρων μέγʼ ἀμείνονες εὐχόμεθʼ εἶναι,
οὐδὲ γὰρ αὐτὸς ἀκούσας κακῶς ἀλλʼ ὑπὲρ τοῦ φίλου λοιδορηθέντος ἠμύνατο, τῇ περιαυτολογίᾳ παρρησίαν
οὐ μόνον δὲ κρινομένοις καὶ κινδυνεύουσιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ δυστυχοῦσι μᾶλλον ἁρμόζει μεγαλαυχία καὶ πύκτης ὅπως εἰς
τοιοῦτοι δʼ εἴπερ μοι ἐείκοσιν ἀντεβόλησαν.
καὶ Φωκίων τἄλλα πρᾶος ἦν· μετὰ δὲ τὴν καταδίκην ἄλλοις τε πολλοῖς διεδείκνυε τὴν μεγαλοφροσύνην, καὶ πρὸς ἕνα τῶν συναποθνῃσκόντων ὀδυρόμενον τί λέγεις
εἶπεν οὗτος;
ἔτι τοίνυν οὐχ ἧττον ἀλλὰ καὶ μᾶλλον ἀδικουμένῳ τῷ πολιτικῷ δέδοται τὸ λέγειν τι περὶ
ὑβρισθεὶς; δὲ παρʼ ἀξίαν καὶ προπηλακισθεὶς ἐφίησι τὴν μεγαλαυχίαν τῇ ὀργῇ· δώδεκα γὰρ
καί
δέχεται γὰρ ἡ παρρησία, μέρος οὖσα τῆς δικαιολογίας, τὴν μεγαληγορίαν. ἀμέλει δὲ καὶ Θεμιστοκλῆς οὐδὲν ἐπὶ τῶν πράξεων εἰπὼν οὐδὲ ποιήσας ἐπαχθές, ὁπηνίκα τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἑώρα μεστοὺς ὄντας αὐτοῦ τί, ὦ μακάριοι,
καὶ ἔτι χειμαζόμενοι μὲν ὥσπερ ὑπὸ δένδρον ὑποφεύγετε, γενομένης δʼ εὐδίας τίλλετε παρεξιόντες.
οὗτοι μὲν οὖν ἄλλως ἀδικούμενοι τῶν κατωρθωμένων
οὐ πόρρω δὲ τούτου τεταγμένον ἔχει τινὰ χάριν εἶτʼ
ἔφη ποῖός τις ὑμῖν δοκῶ εἶναι πολίτης, ὃς τοσοῦτον χρόνον τὰ δημόσια
καὶ ὁ Κικέρων, τοῦ Μετέλλου πρὸς αὐτὸν εἰπόντος ὅτι πλείονας ἀνῄρηκε καταμαρτυρήσας ἢ συνηγορήσας σέσωκε, τίς δʼ
εἶπεν οὔ φησιν ἐν ἐμοὶ πλέον εἶναι πίστεως ἢ δεινότητος;
καὶ τὰ δʼ οὐκ ἂν
καὶ τί ἂν
καὶ
οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῦτο χρήσιμόν ἐστιν ἐν ἐκείνῳ τῷ λόγῳ καταμαθεῖν, ὅτι μιγνύων ἐμμελέστατα τῷ περὶ αὑτοῦ λόγῳ τὸν περὶ τῶν ἀκουόντων ἔπαινον ἀνεπίφθονον ἐποίει καὶ ἀφίλαυτον· οἵους διʼ ὑμᾶς γʼ
εἶπεν ὦ ἄνδρες Θηβαῖοι, μεθʼ ὧν μόνον ἐν ἡμέρᾳ μιᾷ κατέλυσα τὴν Λακεδαιμονίων ἀρχήν.
ἐπεὶ δὲ τῷ μὲν ἑαυτὸν ἐπαινοῦντι πολεμοῦσιν οἱ πολλοὶ σφόδρα καὶ ἄχθονται, τῷ δʼ ἑτέρους οὐχ ὁμοίως, ἀλλὰ καὶ χαίρουσι πολλάκις καὶ σὺ γὰρ οὐ τοιοῦτος;
Ἀλέξανδρος μὲν οὖν Ἡρακλέα τιμῶν καὶ πάλιν Ἀλέξανδρον Ἀνδρόκοττος,
ταῦτα μὲν οὖν καὶ ἄλλως ἐπίστασθαι καὶ ἐπεὶ δὴ τόνδʼ ἄνδρα θεοὶ δαμάσασθαι ἔδωκαν
ἀγαθῷ δαίμονι
καθιερώσας· ἄριστα δὲ Πύθων ὁ Αἴνιος, ἐπειδὴ Κότυν ἀποκτείνας ἧκεν εἰς Ἀθήνας ταῦτʼ
εἶπεν ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, θεός τις ἔπραξεν, ἡμεῖς δὲ τὰς χεῖρας ἐχρήσαμεν
ἀφῄρει δὲ καὶ Σύλλας τὸν φθόνον ἀεὶ
ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ἴσως πρὸς τοὺς παντάπασι χαλεποὺς καὶ βασκάνους ἀνάγκη τὰ φάρμακα καὶ τὰ οὐ λίθοις
τοιούτου τινὸς ἔοικεν ἅπτεσθαι. καὶ τὸ τοῦ Περικλέους ἔτι μᾶλλον· ὀλοφυρόμενοι οὔ τίς τοι θεός εἰμι· τί μʼ ἀθανάτοισιν ἐίσκεις;
θείως
καὶ τὸ δαιμονίως
καὶ τὸ μεγάλως
ἐν ταῖς ἐπιδείξεσι προσδεχόμενοι, καὶ τὸ μετρίως
καὶ τὸ ἀνθρωπίνως
προσαπολλύουσι.
καὶ μὴν ὥσπερ οἱ τοὺς ὀφθαλμιῶντας ἐνοχλεῖν φυλαττόμενοι τοῖς ἄγαν λαμπροῖς σκιάν τινα παραμιγνύουσιν, οὕτως ἔνιοι τοὺς αὑτῶν ἐπαίνους μὴ παντελῶς λαμπροὺς μηδʼ ἀκράτους προσφέροντες, ἀλλά τινας ἐλλείψεις ἢ ἀποτεύξεις ἢ ἁμαρτίας ʼ
καὶ πάλιν
τοιοῦτόν ἐστιν
ἔφη τὸ ἐνδελεχὲς καὶ φιλόπονον
καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ἔξωθεν ἔστιν ἐπεισάγεσθαι φάρμακα τῆς περιαυτολογίας. ἕτερα δʼ αὐτοῖς τρόπον
καὶ τὸ
ὡς γὰρ οἰκίαν καὶ χωρίον, οὕτω καὶ δόξαν οἱ πολλοὶ
ἐπεὶ δʼ οὐ μόνον ἀλύπως καὶ ἀνεπιφθόνως ἀλλὰ καὶ χρησίμως καὶ ὠφελίμως προσοιστέον ἐστὶ ἄμμες ποτʼ
οἱ δὲ τῶν παίδων ἄμμες δὲ γʼ ἐσσόμεθα πολλῷ κάρρονες
οἱ δὲ ἄμμες δὲ γʼ εἰμές αἰ δὲ λῇς, αὐγάσδεο·
οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ καταπλήξεως ἐνιαχοῦ καὶ συστολῆς ἕνεκα καὶ τοῦ ταπεινῶσαι καὶ λαβεῖν
δυστήνων δέ τε παῖδες ἐμῷ μένει ἀντιόωσι.
τί δʼ ἐμοῦ γε μείζων ἐκεῖνος, εἰ μὴ καὶ δικαιότερος;
καὶ πρὸς τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἡμεῖς μὲν γʼ ὑμᾶς βραχυλογοῦντας ἐπαύσαμεν
ἀλλὰ ἐμεγαληγόρει ἄλλοτε δʼ οὐ μεγαλήγορος ἦν.
καὶ Ἀντίγονος ὁ δεύτερος τἄλλα μὲν ἦν ἄτυφος καὶ μέτριος, οὐχ ὁρᾷς, ὅσῳ πλείους εἰσὶν αἱ πολέμιαι νῆες;
δὲ γʼ αὐτόν
εἶπε πρὸς πόσας ἀντιτάττετε;
καὶ
οὐ γάρ ἐστι δημαγωγοῦντος οὐδὲ σοφιστιῶντος ὁ
ὅτι μὲν οὖν τὸ πρὸς ἔπαινον ἀλλότριον καὶ δόξαν ἀντιπαραβάλλειν ἑαυτὸν ἥκιστα πολιτικόν, εἴρηται πρότερον· οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ὅπου βλάπτει καὶ διαφθείρει ζῆλον ἐμποιῶν πρὸς τὰ φαῦλα καὶ προαίρεσιν πονηρὰν ἐν πράγμασι μεγάλοις ἡμαρτημένος ἀλλʼ οὐ τὸ ποιεῖν, ὦ βέλτιστε, κλαίειν καὶ δακρύειν, τὸ δὲ παύειν λυπουμένους καὶ κλαίοντας σεμνόν ἐστιν.
ἐπαινῶν γὰρ ἑαυτὸν ὠφελεῖ τὸν ἀκούοντα καὶ μετατίθησι τὴν κρίσιν. οὕτω καὶ ὁ Ζήνων πρὸς τὸ πλῆθος τῶν Θεοφράστου μαθητῶν ὁ κείνου
μείζων, οὑμὸς δὲ συμφωνότερος.
καὶ ὁ Φωκίων, ἔτι τοῦ Λεωσθένους εὐημεροῦντος, ὑπὸ τῶν ῥητόρων ἐρωτώμενος τί τὴν πόλιν αὐτὸς ἀγαθὸν πεποίηκεν, οὐδέν
εἶπεν ἀλλʼ ἢ ὑμᾶς, ἐμοῦ στρατηγοῦντος, ἐπιτάφιον λόγον μὴ εἰπεῖν ἀλλὰ πάντας
πάνυ δὲ χαριέντως καὶ ὁ Κράτης πρὸς τὸ
ἀντέγραψε τὸ
λείπεται ὁ ἡμῖν, τοῦ λόγου τὸ ἐφεξῆς ἀπαιτοῦντος καὶ παρακαλοῦντος, εἰπεῖν ὅπως ἂν ἕκαστος ἐκφύγοι τὸ ἐπαινεῖν ἀκαίρως ἑαυτόν. μέγα γὰρ ἡ περιαυτολογία τὴν φιλαυτίαν ὁρμητήριον ἔχουσα, καὶ τοῖς πάνυ δοκοῦσι μετρίως ἔχειν πρὸς δόξαν
δεύτερον αἱ Πάτροκλον
ἀλλὰ μὴν καὶ τὸ περὶ τοὺς ψόγους καὶ τὰς καταιτιάσεις γένος ἐπισφαλές ἐστι καὶ παρέχον ἐκτροπὰς τοῖς περὶ δόξαν νοσοῦσιν. ᾧ μάλιστα περιπίπτουσιν οἱ γέροντες, ὅταν εἰς τὸ νουθετεῖν ἑτέρους
ἔτι τοίνυν τοῖς μὲν πρὸς τοὺς γέλωτας εὐκαταφόροις
πρὸς τεῖχος ἀναβαίνων.
ἐγὼ μὲν δεικνύω
ἐσπουδακώς, οἱ δὲ πάλιν ἐπεμυκτήρισαν.
ἐν ἅπασιν οὖν τούτοις εὐλαβητέον ὡς ἔνι μάλιστα, μήτε συνεκπίπτοντα τοῖς ἐπαίνοις μήτε ταῖς συμβολὰς ταύτας ἀποτίνειν μεγίστας
λέγουσιν, ὡς ὁ παρὰ Μενάνδρῳ
ἐν ἅπασιν οὖν τούτοις εὐλαβητέον ὡς ἔνι μάλιστα, μήτε συνεκπίπτοντα τοῖς ἐπαίνοις μήτε ταῖς συμβολὰς ταύτας ἀποτίνειν μεγίστας
λέγουσιν, ὡς ὁ παρὰ Μενάνδρῳ
THESE and such like things, O Quintus! when Epicurus had spoken, before any person could return an
- answer, while we were busy at the farther end of the portico,
To which Patrocleas: The slowness of the Supreme
- Deity and his procrastination in reference to the punishment of the wicked have long perplexed my thoughts; but
- now, puzzled by these arguments which he produces, I
- find myself as it were a stranger to the opinion, and newly
- beginning again to learn. For a long time I could not with
- patience hear that expression of Euripides,
-
-
-
-
For indeed it becomes not the Supreme Deity to be remiss
- in any thing, but more especially in the prosecution of the
- wicked, since they themselves are no way negligent or
- dilatory in doing mischief, but are always driven on by the
- most rapid impetuosities of their passions to acts of injustice. For certainly, according to the saying of Thucydides,
- that revenge which follows injury closest at the heels presently puts a stop to the progress of such as make advantage
- of successful wickedness.
-
-
And I am apt to persuade myself that upon these and no - other considerations it is, that wicked men encourage and - give themselves the liberty to attempt and commit all manner of impieties, seeing that the fruit which injustice yields - is soon ripe, and offers itself early to the gatherer's hand, - whereas punishment comes late, and lagging long behind - the pleasure of enjoyment.
-After Patrocleas had thus discoursed, Olympicus
- taking him up, There is this farther, said he, O Patrocleas!
- which thou shouldst have taken notice of; for how great
- an inconveniency and absurdity arises besides from these
- delays and procrastinations of divine justice! For the
- slowness of its execution takes away the belief of providence; and the wicked, perceiving that calamity does not
- presently follow at the heels of every enormous crime, but
- a long time after, look upon their calamity as a misfortune,
- and calling it chance, not punishment, are nothing at all
- thereby reformed; troubled indeed they well may be at the
- dire accident befallen them, but they never repent of the
- villanies they have committed. For as, in the case of
- horse, the lashing and spurring that immediately pursue
- the transgression correct and reduce him to his duty, but
- all the tugging at the bit and shouting which are late and
- out of time seem to be inflicted for some other reason than
- to teach or instruct, the animal being thereby put to pain
- without understanding his error; in like manner, were the
- impieties of enormous transgressors and heinous offenders
- singly scourged and repressed by immediate severity, it
- would be most likelythe mills of the Gods grind late, but they grind fine. (G.)
These things thus uttered, while I was in a deep
- meditation of what he had said, Timon interposed. Is it
- your pleasure. said he, that I shall give the finishing stroke
- to the difficulties of this knotty question, or shall I first
- permit him to argue in opposition to what has been propounded already? Nay then, said I, to what purpose is it
- to let in a third wave to drown the argument, if one be
- not able to repel or avoid the objections already made
- to begin therefore, as from the Vestal hearth, from that
- ancient circumspection and reverence which our ancestors,
- being Academic philosophers also, bare to the Supreme
- Godhead, we shall utterly decline to speak of that mysterious Being as if we could presume to utter positively any
- thing concerning it. For though it may be borne withal,
- for men unskilled in music to talk at random of notes and
- harmony, or for such as never experienced warfare to discourse of arms and military affairs; yet it would be a bold
- and daring arrogance in us, that are but mortal men, to
- dive too far into the incomprehensible mysteries of Deities
- and Daemons,—just as if persons void of knowledge
- should undertake to judge of the methods and reason of
- cunning artists by slight opinions and probable conjectures
- of their own. And while one that understands nothing of
- science finds it hard to give a reason why the physician did
- not let blood before but afterwards, or why he did not bathe
- his patient yesterday but to-day; it cannot be that it is safe
- or easy for a mortal to speak otherwise of the Supreme
- Deity than only this, that he alone it is who knows the
- most convenient time to apply most proper corrosives for
- the cure of sin and impiety, and to administer punishments
- as medicaments to every transgressor, yet being not confined to an equal quality and measure common to all distempers, nor to one and the same time. Now that the
-
-
Nor do I allege these things as a pretence to avoid
- the dispute, but to secure the pardon which I beg, to the
- end that our discourse, having a regard (as it were) to some
- port or refuge, may proceed the more boldly in producing
- probable circumstances to clear the doubt. But first consider this; that God, according to Plato, when he set himself before the eyes of the whole world as the exemplar of
- all that was good and holy, granted human virtue, by which
- man is in some measure rendered like himself, unto those
- that are able to follow the Deity by imitation. For universal Nature, being at first void of order, received its first
- impulse to change and to be formed into a world, by being
- made to resemble and (as it were) partake of that idea and
- virtue which is in God. And the self-same Plato asserts,
- that Nature first kindled the sense of seeing within us, to
- the end that the soul, by the sight and admiration of the
- heavenly bodies, being accustomed to love and embrace
- decency and order, might be induced to hate the disorderly
- motions of wild and raving passions, and avoid levity and
- rashness and dependence upon chance, as the original of
- all improbity and vice. For there is no greater benefit that
- men can enjoy from God, than, by the imitation and pursuit
- of those perfections and that sanctity which is in him, to
- be excited to the study of virtue. Therefore God, with
- forbearance and at leisure, inflicts his punishment upon the
- wicked; not that he is afraid of committing an error or of
- repenting should he accelerate his indignation; but to
- eradicate that brutish and eager desire of revenge that
- reigns in human breasts, and to teach us that we are not
- in the heat of fury, or when our anger heaving and palpitating boils up above our understanding, to fall upon. those
- who have done us an injury, like those who seek to gratify
- a vehement thirst or craving appetite, but that we should,
-
-
-
-
so reason does that which is just and moderate, laying passion and fury aside. Whence it comes to pass that men,
- giving ear to human examples, become more mansuete and
- gentle; as when they hear how Plato, holding his cudgel
- over his page's shoulders, as himself relates, paused a good
- while, correcting his own anger; and how in like manner
- Archytas, observing the sloth and wilful negligence of his
- servants in the field, and perceiving his passion to rise at a
- more than usual rate, did nothing at all; but as he went
- away, It is your good fortune, said he, that ye have angered
- me. If then the savings of men when called to mind, and
- their actions being told, have such a power to mitigate the
- roughness and vehemency of wrath, much more becomes it
- us, beholding God, with whom there is neither dread nor
- repentance of any thing, deferring nevertheless his punishments to future time and admitting delay, to be cautious
- and circumspect in these matters, and to deem as a divine
- part of virtue that mildness and long-suffering of which
- God affords us an example, while by punishing he reforms
-
-
In the second place, therefore, let us consider this, - that human punishments of injuries regard no more than - that the party suffer in his turn, and are satisfied when - the offender has suffered according to his merit; and - farther they never proceed. Which is the reason that - they run after provocations, like dogs that bark in their - fury, and immediately pursue the injury as soon as committed. But probable it is that God, whatever distempered soul it be which he prosecutes with his divine justice, - observes the motions and inclinations of it, whether they - be such as tend to repentance, and allows time for the - reformation of those whose wickedness is neither invincible nor incorrigible. For, since he well knows what a - proportion of virtue souls carry along with them from himself when they come into the world, and how strong and - vigorous their innate and primitive good yet continues,—while wickedness buds forth only preternaturally upon the - corruption of bad diet and evil conversation, and even - then some souls recover again to perfect cure or an indifferent habitude,—therefore he doth not make haste to - inflict his punishments alike upon all. But those that are - incurable he presently lops off and deprives of life, deeming it altogether hurtful to others, but most baneful to - themselves, to be always wallowing in wickedness. But - as for those who may probably be thought to transgress - rather out of ignorance of what is virtuous and good, than - through choice of what is foul and vicious, he grants them - time to turn; but if they remain obdurate, then likewise - he inflicts his punishments upon them; for he has no fear - lest they should escape.
-Now let us consider how oft the characters and lives of
- men are changed; for which reason, the character is called
- changeable part, and also cus-
-
- tom (
Over Megalopolis Lydiadas was tyrant; but then, even
- in the time of his tyranny, changing his manners and
- maxims of government and growing into a hatred of injustice, he restored to the citizens their laws, and fighting
- for his country against his own and his subjects' enemies,
- fell an illustrious victim for his country's welfare. Now if
- any one, bearing an antipathy to Miltiades or Cimon, had
- slain the one tyrannizing in the Chersonese or the other
- committing incest with his own sister, or had expelled
- Themistocles out of Athens at what time he lay rioting
- and revelling in the market-place and affronting all that
- came near him, according to the sentence afterwards pronounced against Alcibiades, had we not lost Marathon, the
- Eurymedon, and lovely Artemisium,
-
-
-
-
For great and lofty geniuses produce nothing that is mean - and little; the innate smartness of their parts will not - endure the vigor and activity of their spirits to grow lazy; - but they are tossed to and again, as with the waves, by the - rolling motions of their own inordinate desire, till at length - they arrive to a stable and settled constitution of manners. - Therefore, as a person that is unskilful in husbandry - would by no means make choice of a piece of ground - quite overrun with brakes and weeds, abounding with wild - beasts, running streams, and mud; while, to him who hath - learnt to understand the nature of the earth, these are certain symptoms of the softness and fertility of the soil; thus - great geniuses many times produce many absurd and vile - enormities, of which we not enduring the rugged and - uneasy vexation, are presently for pruning and lopping off - the lawless transgressors. But the more prudent judge, - who discerns the abounding goodness and generosity - covertly residing in those transcendent geniuses, waits the - co-operating age and season for reason and virtue to exert - themselves, and gathers the ripe fruit when Nature has - matured it. And thus much as to those particulars.
-Now to come to another part of our discourse, do you
- not believe that some of the Greeks did very prudently to
- register that law in Egypt among their own, whereby it is
- enacted that, if a woman with child be sentenced to die,
- she shall be reprieved till she be delivered? All the reason
- in the world, you will say. Then, say I, though a man
- cannot bring forth children, yet if he be able, by the assistance of Time, to reveal any hidden action or conspiracy,
- or to discover some concealed mischief, or to be author of
- some wholesome piece of advice,—or suppose that in time
- he may produce some necessary and useful invention,—is
-
-
-
-
And yet we do not find that ever the son of Copreus performed any famous or memorable achievement; but the - offspring of Sisyphus, Autolycus, and Phlegyas flourished - among the number of the most famous and virtuous princes. - Pericles at Athens descended from an accursed family; and - Pompey the Great at Rome was the son of Strabo, whose - dead body the Roman people, in the height of their hatred - conceived against him when alive, cast forth into the street - and trampled in the dirt. Where is the absurdity then,— - as the husbandman never cuts away the thorn till it injures - the asparagus, or as the Libyans never burn the stalks till - they have gathered all the ladanum,—if God never extirpates the evil and thorny root of a renowned and royal - race before he has gathered from it the mature and proper - fruit? For it would have been far better for the Phocians - to have lost ten thousand of Iphitus's horses and oxen, or - a far greater sum in gold and silver from the temple of - Delphi, than that Ulysses and Aesculapius should not have - been born, and those many others who, of wicked and - vicious men, became highly virtuous and beneficial to their - country.
-And should we not think it better to inflict deserved
- punishments in due season and by convenient means,
- than hastily and rashly when a man is in the heat and
- hurry of passion? Witness the example of Callippus,
- who, having stabbed Dio under the pretence of being his
- friend, was himself soon after slain by Dio's intimates with
-
-
As for Bessus, it seems he killed his own father, and - the murder lay concealed a long time. At length being - invited to supper among strangers, after he had so loosened - a swallow's nest with his spear that it fell down, he killed - all the young ones. Upon which, being asked by the - guests that were present, what injury the swallows had - done him that he should commit such an irregular act; - Did you not hear, said he, these cursed swallows, how they - clamored and made a noise, false witnesses as they were, - that I had long ago killed my father? This answer struck - the rest of the guests with so much wonder, that, after a - due pondering upon his words, they made known the - whole story to the king. Upon which, the matter being - dived into, Bessus was brought to condign punishment.
-These things I have alleged, as it was but reason,
- upon a supposition that there is a forbearance of inflicting punishment upon the wicked. As for what remains,
- it behooves us to listen to Hesiod, where he asserts,—not
- like Plato, that punishment is a suffering which accompanies injustice,—but that it is of the same age with it,
-
-
-
-
And in another place,
-
-
-
-
It is reported that the cantharis fly, by a certain kind
- of contrariety, carries within itself the cure of the wound
- which it inflicts. On the other side wickedness, at the
- same time it is committed, engendering its own vexation
- and torment, not at last, but at the very instant of the injury offered, suffers the reward of the injustice it has done.
- And as every malefactor who suffers in his body bears his
- own cross to the place of his execution, so are all the
- various torments of various wicked actions prepared by
- wickedness herself. Such a diligent architectress of a
- miserable and wretched life is wickedness, wherein shame
- is still accompanied with a thousand terrors and commotions of the mind, incessant repentance, and never-ceasing
- tumults of the spirits. However, there are some people
- that differ little or nothing from children, who, many times
- beholding malefactors upon the stage, in their gilded vestments and short purple cloaks, dancing with crowns upon
- their heads, admire and look upon them as the most happy
- persons in the world, till they see them gored and lashed,
- and flames of fire curling from underneath their sumptuous
- and gaudy garments. Thus there are many wicked men,
- surrounded with numerous families, splendid in the pomp
- of magistracy, and illustrious for the greatness of their
- power, whose punishments never display themselves till
- those glorious persons come to be the public spectacles of
- the people, either slain and lying weltering in their blood,
- or else standing on the top of the rock, ready to be tumbled headlong down the precipice; which indeed cannot
-
-
Moreover, as Herodicus the Selymbrian, falling into a
- consumption, the most incurable of all diseases, was the
- first who intermixed the gymnastic art with the science of
- physic (as Plato relates), and in so doing did spin out
- in length a tedious time of dying, as well for himself as
- for others laboring under the same distemper; in like
- manner some wicked men who flatter themselves to have
- escaped the present punishment, not after a longer time, but
- for a longer time, endure a more lasting, not a slower
- punishment; not punished with old age, but growing old
- under the tribulation of tormenting affliction. When I
- speak of a long time I speak in reference to ourselves.
- For as to the Gods, every distance and distinction of human life is nothing; and to say now, and not thirty years
- ago
is the same thing as to say that such a malefactor
- should be tormented or hanged in the afternoon and not in
- the morning;—more especially since a man is but shut up
- in this life, like a close prisoner in a gaol, from whence it
- is impossible to make an escape, while yet we feast and
- banquet, are full of business, receive rewards and honors
- and sport. Though certainly these are but like the sports
- of those that play at dice or draughts in the gaol, while the
- rope all the while hangs over their heads.
So that what should hinder me from asserting, that
- they who are condemned to die and shut up in prison are
- not truly punished till the executioner has chopped off
- their heads, or that he who has drunk hemlock, and then
- walks about and stays till a heaviness seizes his limbs, has
- suffered no punishment before the extinction of his natural
- heat and the coagulation of his blood deprive him of his
- senses,—that is to say, if we deem the last moment of the
- punishment only to be the punishment, and omit the commotions, terrors, apprehensions, and embitterments of repentance,
-
-
-
-
For the daring rashness and precipitate boldness of iniquity
- continue violent and active till the fact be perpetrated;
- but then the passion, like a surceasing tempest, growing
- slack and weak, surrenders itself to superstitious fears and
- terrors. So that Stesichorus may seem to have composed
- the dream of Clytemnestra, to set forth the event and truth
- of things:
-
-
-
-
For visions in dreams, noon-day apparitions, oracles, descents into hell, and whatever objects else which may be
- thought to be transmitted from heaven, raise continual
- tempests and horrors in the very souls of the guilty. Thus
- it is reported that Apollodorus in a dream beheld himself
- flayed by the Scythians and then boiled, and that his heart,
- speaking to him out of the kettle, uttered these words, I
- am the cause thou sufferest all this. And another time,
- that he saw his daughters run about him, their bodies
- burning and all in a flame. Hipparchus also, the son of
- Pisistratus, had a dream, that the Goddess Venus out of a
- certain phial flung blood in his face. The favorites of
- Ptolemy, surnamed the Thunderer, dreamed that they saw
- their master cited to the judgment-seat by Seleucus, where
-
-
-
-
After this the apparition still haunting him, he sailed to - the oracle of the dead in Heraclea, and by propitiations, - charms, and dirges, called up the ghost of the damsel; - which, appearing before him, told him in few words, that - he should be free from all his affrights and molestations - upon his return to Lacedaemon; where he was no sooner - arrived, but he died.
-Therefore, if nothing befalls the soul after the expiration of this life, but death is the end of all reward and
- punishment, I might infer from thence rather that the Deity is remiss and indulgent in swiftly punishing the wicked
- and depriving them of life. For if a man shall assert
- that in the space of this life the wicked are no otherwise
- affected than by the convincement that crime is a fruitless
- and barren thing, that produces nothing of good, nothing
- worthy of esteem, from the many great and terrible combats and agonies of the mind, the consideration of these
- things altogether subverts the soul. As it is related that
- Lysimachus, being under the violent constraint of a parching thirst, surrendered up his person and his dominions to
- the Getae for a little drink; but after he had quenched his
- draught and found himself a captive, Shame of this wickedness of mine, cried he, that for so small a pleasure have
-
-
-
-
Thus is it not reason to believe, that the soul of every wicked
- man revolves and reasons within itself, how by burying in
- oblivion former transgressions, and casting from itself the
- consciousness and the guilt of hitherto committed crimes,
- to fit frail mortality under her conduct for a new course of
- life? For there is nothing for a man to confide in, nothing
-
-
And now consider whether my discourse have not
- enlarged itself too far. To which Timon: Perhaps (said
- he) it may seem to have been too long, if we consider
- what remains behind, and the length of time required for
- the discussion of our other doubts. For now I am going
- about to put forward the last question, like a new champion, since we have contended already long enough upon
- the former. Now, as to what we have further to say, we
- find that Euripides delivers his mind freely, and censures
- the Gods for imputing the transgressions of forefathers
- unto their offspring. And I am apt to believe that even
- they who are most silent among us do the like. For if
- the offenders themselves have already received their reward, then there is no reason why the innocent should be
- punished, since it is not equal to punish even criminals
- twice for the same fact. But if remiss and careless, the
- Gods, omitting opportunely to inflict their penalties upon
- the wicked, send down their tardy rigor on the blameless,
- they do not well to repair their defective slowness by injustice. As it is reported of Aesop, that he came upon a
- time to Delphi, having brought along with him a great
- quantity of gold which Croesus had bestowed upon him,
- on purpose to offer a most magnificent oblation to the
- Gods, and with a design moreover to distribute among the
- priests and the people of Delphi four minas apiece. But
- there happening some disgust and difference between him
- and the Delphians, he performed his solemnity, but sent
- back his money to Sardis, not deeming those ungrateful
- people worthy of his bounty. Upon which the Delphians,
- laying their heads together, accused him of sacrilege, and
-
-
Neither is Alexander applauded by those who have the
- greatest esteem for his memory (of which number are we
- ourselves), who utterly laid waste the city of Branchidae,
- putting men, women, and children to the sword, for that
- their ancestors had long before delivered up the temple of
- Miletus. In like manner Agathocles, tyrant of Syracuse,
- when the Corcyraeans requested to know the reason of
- him, why he depopulated their island, deriding and scoffing
- at their demand, replied: For no other reason, by Jove,
- but because your forefathers entertained Ulysses. And
- when the islanders of Ithaca expostulated with him, asking why his soldiers carried away their sheep; because,
- said he, when your king came to our island, he put out
- the eyes of the shepherd himself. And therefore do you
- not think Apollo more extravagant than all these, for punishing
-
-
-
-
and all this to punish the lasciviousness of Ajax.
-Now where is the reason or justice of all this? Nor is - the custom of the Thracians to be approved, who to this - day abuse their wives in revenge of their cruelty to Orpheus. And with as little reason are the Barbarians about - the river Po to be extolled, who once a year put themselves - into mourning for the misfortune of Phaethon. And still - more ridiculous than all this it would certainly be, when - all those people that lived at the time took no notice of - Phaethon's mischance, that they, who happened to be born - five or ten generations after, should be so idle as to take - up the custom of going into black and bewailing his downfall. However, in all these things there is nothing to be - observed but mere folly; nothing pernicious, nor any thing - dangerous. But as for the anger of the Gods, what reason - can be given why their wrath should stop and conceal - itself upon a sudden, like some certain rivers, and when - all things seem to be forgot, should break forth upon - others with so much fury, as not to be atoned but with - some remarkable calamities?
-Upon that, so soon as he had done speaking, not a
- little afraid lest, if he should begin again, he would run
- himself into many more and greater absurdities, I asked:
- Do you believe, sir, all that you have said to be true?
- Then he: Though all that I have alleged may not be true,
- yet if only some part may be allowed for truth, do not you
- think there is the same difficulty still remaining in the
- question? It may be so, said I. And thus it is with those
- who labor under a vehement burning fever; for, whether
- covered with one blanket or many, the heat is still the
- same or very little different; yet for refreshment's sake it
- may be convenient sometimes to lighten the weight of the
- clothes; and if the patient refuse your courtesy, to let him
- alone. Yet I must tell you, the greatest part of these
- examples look like fables and fiction. Call to mind therefore the feast called Theoxenia lately celebrated, and that
- most noble portion which the public criers proclaim to be
- received as their due by the offspring of Pindar; and recollect with yourself, how majestic and grateful a mark of
- grandeur you look upon that to be. Truly, said he, I
- judge there is no man living who would not be sensible of
- the curiosity and elegancy of such an honor, displaying
- antiquity void of tincture and false glitter, after the Greek
- manner, unless he were such a brute that I may use the
- words of Pindar himself:
-
-
-
-
Therefore I forbear, said I, to mention that proclamation
- not much unlike to this, usually made in Sparta,—After
- the Lesbian singer,
—in honor and memory of the ancient Terpander. But you, on the other side, deem yourself worthy to be preferred above all the rest of the
- Boeotians, as being of the noble race of the Opheltiadae;
- and among the Phocians you claim undoubted pre-eminence,
- for the sake of your ancestor Daiphantus. And, for my
-
-
These, said I, are the preliminaries, which I would - have you make use of against those choleric accusers and - testy snarlers of whom I have given you warning. But - now to take in hand once more, as it were, the first end of - the bottom of thread, in this same dark discourse of the - Gods, wherein there are so many windings and turnings - and gloomy labyrinths, let us by degrees and with caution - direct our steps to what is most likely and probable. For, - even in those things which fall under our daily practice - and management, we are many times at a loss to determine - the undoubted and unquestioned truth. For example, - what certain reason can be given for that custom amongst - us, of ordering the children of parents that die of a consumption or a dropsy to sit with both their feet soaking in - the water till the dead body be burnt? For people believe, - that thereby the disease is prevented from becoming hereditary, and also that it is a charm to secure those children - from it as long as they live. Again, what should be the - reason, that if a goat take a piece of sea-holly in her - mouth, the whole herd will stand still till the goat-herd - come and take it out? Other hidden properties there are, - which, by virtue of certain touches and transitions, pass - from some bodies into others with incredible swiftness and - often to incredible distances. But we are more apt to - wonder at distances of time than those of space. And yet - there is more reason to wonder, that Athens should be - infected with an epidemic contagion taking its rise in - Ethiopia, that Pericles should die and Thucydides be smitten with the infection, than that, upon the impiety of the - Delphians and Sybarites, delayed vengeance should at - length overtake their posterity. For these hidden powers - and properties have their sacred connections and correspondences between their utmost endings and their first - beginnings; of which although the causes be concealed - from us, yet silently they bring to pass their proper effects.
-Not but that there is a reason ready at hand for the
- public punishments showered down from heaven upon
- particular cities. For a city is a kind of entire thing and
- continued body, a certain sort of creature, never subject to
- the changes and alterations of age, nor varying through
- process of time from one thing to another, but always
- sympathizing and in unity with itself, and receiving the
- punishment or reward of whatever it does or has ever
- acted in common, so long as the community, which makes
- it a body and binds it together with the mutual bands of
- human benefit, preserves its unity. For he that goes about
- of one city to make many, and perhaps an infinite number,
- by distinguishing the intervals of time, seems to be like a
- person who would make several of one single man, because
- he is now grown elderly who before was a young man, and
- before that a mere stripling. Or rather, it resembles the
- method of disputing amongst the Epicharmians, the first
- authors of that manner of arguing called the increaser.
- For example: he that formerly ran in debt, although he
- never paid it, owes nothing now, as being become another
- man; and he that was invited yesterday to supper comes
- the next night an unbidden guest, for that he is quite
- another person. And indeed the distinctions of ages cause
- greater alterations in every one of us than commonly they
- do in cities. For he that has seen Athens may know it
- again thirty years after; the present manners, motions,
- pastimes, serious studies, their familiarities and marks of
- their displeasure, little or nothing differing from what formerly they were. But after a long absence there is many
- a man who, meeting his own familiar friend, hardly knows
- him again, by reason of the great alteration of his countenance and the change of his manners, which are so easily
- subject to the alterations of language, labor, and employment, all manner of accidents, and mutation of laws, that
- even they who are most usually conversant with him admire
-
- You cannot step twice into the same river,
he says. See Plat. Cratyl. p. 402 A. (G.)
Now then, if a city be one entire and continued
- body, the same opinion is to be conceived of a race of
- men, depending upon one and the same beginning, and
- carrying along with it a certain power and communion of
- qualities; in regard that what is begotten cannot be thought
- to be severed from that which begets it, like a piece of
- workmanship from the artificer; the one being begotten
- of the person, the other framed by him. So that what is
- engendered is a part of the original from whence it sprung,
- whether meriting honor or deserving punishment. So that,
- were it not that I might be thought to be too sportive in a
- serious discourse, I would affirm, that the Athenians were
- more unjust to the statue of Cassander when they caused
- it to be melted down and defaced, and that the Syracusans
- were more rigorous to the dead carcass of Dionysius when
- they cast it forth of their own confines, than if they had
- punished their posterity; for that the statue did no way
- partake of the substance of Cassander, and the soul of
- Dionysius was absolutely departed from the body deceased.
- Whereas Nisaeus, Apollocrates, Antipater, Philip, and
- several others descended from wicked parents, still retained
- the most principal part of those who begot them, not lazily
-
-
While I was yet speaking, Olympicus interrupting
- me said: You seem by this discourse of yours to infer as
- if the soul were immortal, which is a supposition of great
- consequence. It is very true, said I, nor is it any more
-
-
Then Patrocleas: What oracle was this? Who was - that same Corax? For both the answer itself and the - person whom you mention are strangers to my remembrance. Certainly, said I, that cannot be; only it was my - error which occasioned your ignorance, in making use of - the addition to the name instead of the name itself. For - it was Calondas, who slew Archilochus in fight, and who - was surnamed Corax. He was thereupon ejected by the - Pythian priestess, as one who had slain a person devoted - to the Muses; but afterwards, humbling himself in prayers - and supplications, intermixed with undeniable excuses of - the fact, was enjoined by the oracle to repair to the habitation of Tettix, there to expiate his crime by appeasing the - ghost of Archilochus. That place was called Taenarus; - for there it was, as the report goes, that Tettix the Cretan, - coming with a navy, landed, built a city not far from the - Psychopompaeum (or place where ghosts are conjured up), - and stored it with inhabitants. In like manner, when the - Spartans were commanded by the oracle to atone the ghost - of Pausanias, they sent for several exorcisers and conjurers out of Italy, who by virtue of their sacrifices chased - the apparition out of the temple.
-Therefore, said I, there is one and the same reason
- to confirm the providence of God and the immortality of
- the soul; neither is it possible to admit the one, if you
- deny the other. Now then, the soul surviving after the
- decease of the body, the inference is the stronger that it
- partakes of punishment and reward. For during this mortal life the soul is in continual combat like a wrestler; but
- after all those conflicts are at an end, she then receives according to her merits. But what the punishments and what
-
-
Bion was of opinion that God, in punishing the
- children of the wicked for the sins of their fathers, seems
- more irregular than a physician that should administer
- physic to a son or a grandchild, to cure the distemper of
- a father or a grandfather. But this comparison does not
-
-
Or can you believe but that in this particular God
- is wiser than Hesiod, admonishing and exhorting us in
- this manner:
-
-
intimating thereby, that a man was never to attempt the
- work of generation but in the height of a jocund and
- merry humor, and when he found himself as it were dissolved into jollity; as if from procreation proceeded the
- impressions not only of vice or virtue, but of sorrow and
- joy, and of all other qualities and affections whatever.
- However, it is not the work of human wisdom (as Hesiod
- supposes) but of divine providence, to foresee the sympathies
-
-
What shall I say? But even a little before we
- were offended at the Gods protracting and delaying the
- punishments of the wicked, and now we are as much displeased that they do not curb and chastise the depravities
- of an evil disposition before the fact committed; not considering that many times a mischief contrived for future
- execution may prove more dreadful than a fact already
- committed, and that dormant villany may be more dangerous than open and apparent iniquity; not being able
- to apprehend the reason wherefore it is better to bear with
- the unjust actions of some men, and to prevent the meditating and contrivance of mischief in others. As, in truth,
- we do not rightly comprehend why some remedies and
- physical drugs are no way convenient for those that labor
- under a real disease, yet wholesome and profitable for
- those that are seemingly in health, but yet perhaps in a
- worse condition than they who are sick. Whence it comes
- to pass, that the Gods do not always turn the transgressions of parents upon their children; but if a virtuous son
- happen to be the offspring of a wicked father,—as often
- it falls out that a sane child is born of one that is unsound
- and crazy,—such a one is exempted from the punishment
- which threatens the whole descent, as having been adopted
- into a virtuous family. But for a young man that treads
- in the footsteps of a criminal race, it is but just that he
- should succeed to the punishment of his ancestor's iniquity, as one of the debts attached to his inheritance.
-
-
Having thus concluded, I held my peace; when
- Olympicus smiling said: We forbear as yet to give you
- our approbation, that we may not seem to have forgot the
- fable; not but that we believe your discourse to have been
- sufficiently made out by demonstration, only we reserve
- our opinion till we shall have heard the relation of that
- likewise. Upon which, I began again after this manner:
-
-
For when his sense first left his body, it seemed to him - as if he had been some pilot flung from the helm by the - force of a storm into the midst of the sea. Afterwards, - rising up again above water by degrees, so soon as he - thought he had fully recovered his breath, he looked about - him every way, as if one eye of his soul had been open. - But he beheld nothing of those things which he was wont - formerly to see, only he saw stars of a vast magnitude, at - an immense distance one from the other, and sending forth - a light most wonderful for the brightness of its color, which - shot itself out in length with an incredible force; on which - the soul riding, as it were in a chariot, was most swiftly, - yet as gently and smoothly, dandled from one place to - another. But omitting the greatest part of the sights - which he beheld, he saw, as he said, the souls of such as - were newly departed, as they mounted from below, resembling little fiery bubbles, to which the air gave way. - Which bubbles afterwards breaking insensibly and by degrees, the soul came forth in the shapes of men and women, - light and nimble, as being discharged of all their earthly - substance. However, they differed in their motion; for - some of them leaped forth with a wonderful swiftness, and - mounted up in a direct line; others like so many spindles - of spinning-wheels turned round and round, sometimes - whisking upwards, sometimes darting downwards, with a - confused and mixed agitation, that could hardly be stopped - in a very long time.
-Of these souls he knew not who the most part were;
-
- divine.
For thou art
- not in the number of the dead as yet, it said, but by a certain destiny and permission of the Gods, thou art come
- hither only with thy intellectual faculty, having left the
- rest of thy soul, like an anchor, in thy body. And that
- thou mayst be assured of this, observe it for a certain rule,
- both now and hereafter, that the souls of the deceased
- neither cast any shadow, neither do they open and shut
- their eyelids. Thespesius having heard this discourse, was
- so much the more encouraged to make use of his own reason; and therefore looking round about to prove the truth
-
-
Moreover, this kinsman of Thespesius (for nothing hinders but that we may call the souls by the names of the
- persons which they enlivened), proceeding to give a relation of several other things, informed his friend how that
- Adrastea, the daughter of Jupiter and Necessity, was seated
- in the highest place of all, to punish all manner of crimes
- and enormities; and that in the whole number of the
- wicked and ungodly, there never was any one, whether
- great or little, high or low, rich or poor, that ever could
- by force or cunning escape the severe lashes of her rigor.
- But as there are three sorts of punishments, so there are
- three several Furies, or female ministers of justice; and to
- every one of these belongs a peculiar office and degree of
- punishment. The first of these was called Speedy Punishment, who takes in charge those that are presently to receive bodily punishment in this life, which she manages
- after a more gentle manner, omitting the correction of
- many offences which need expiation. But if the cure of
- impiety require a greater labor, the Deity delivers them
- after death to Justice. But when Justice has given them
- over as altogether incurable, then the third and most severe
- of all Adrastea's ministers, Erinnys (the Fury), takes them
- in hand; and after she has chased and coursed them from
- one place to another, flying, yet not knowing where to
-
-
Now, of all these three sorts, that which is inflicted by - punishment in this life resembles the practice among the - barbarians. For, as among the Persians, they take off the - garments and turbans of those that are to be punished, and - tear and whip them before the offender's faces, while the - criminals, with tears and lamentations, beseech the executioners to give over; so corporal punishments, and penalties by mulcts and fines, have no sharpness or severity, nor - do they take hold upon the vice itself, but are inflicted for - the most part only with regard to appearance and to the - outward sense. But if any one comes hither that has - escaped punishment while he lived upon earth and before - he was well purged from his crimes, Justice takes him to - task, naked as he is, with his soul displayed, as having - nothing to conceal or veil his impiety; but on all sides and - to all men's eyes and every way exposed, she shows him - first to his honest parents, if he had any such, to let them - see how degenerate he was and unworthy of his progenitors. But if they were wicked likewise, then are - their sufferings rendered yet more terrible by the mutual - sight of each other's miseries, and those for a long time - inflicted, till each individual crime has been quite effaced - with pains and torments as far surmounting in sharpness - and severity all punishments and tortures of the flesh, as - what is real and evident surpasses an idle dream. But the - weals and stripes that remain after punishment appear - more signal in some, in others are less evident.
-View there, said he, those various colors of souls. That
- same black and sordid hue is the tincture of avarice and
- fraud. That bloody and flame-like dye betokens cruelty,
- and an imbittered desire of revenge. Where you perceive
-
-
Having thus said, the spirit quickly carried Thespesius
- to a certain place, as it appeared to him, prodigiously
- spacious; yet so gently and without the least deviation,
- that he seemed to be borne upon the rays of the light as
- upon wings. Thus at length he came to a certain gaping
- chasm, that was fathomless downward, where he found
- himself deserted by that extraordinary force which brought
- him thither, and perceived other souls also to be there in
-
-
The spirit said, moreover, that Bacchus ascended through
- this overture to heaven, and afterwards returning fetched
- up Semele the same way; and that it was called the place
- of oblivion. Wherefore his kinsman would not suffer
- Thespesius to tarry there any longer, though very unwilling to depart, but took him away by force; informing and
- instructing him withal, how strangely and how suddenly the
- mind was subject to be softened and melted by pleasure;
- that the irrational and corporeal part, being watered and
- incarnated thereby, revives the memory of the body,
- and that from this remembrance proceed concupiscence
- and desire, exciting an appetite for a new generation and
- entrance into a body—which is named inclination towards the earth (
At length, after he had been carried as far another way
- as when he was transported to the yawning overture, he
-
-
And with that, leading Thespesius nearer, the spirit endeavored to show him the light of the Tripod, which, as he
- said, shooting through the bosom of Themis, fell upon
- Parnassus; which Thespesius was desirous to see, but
- could not, in regard the extraordinary brightness of the
- light dazzled his eyes; only passing by, he heard the shrill
- voice of a woman speaking in verse and measure, and
-
-
-
-
After this, they passed on to behold the torments of those
- that were punished. And indeed at first they met with
- none but lamentable and dismal sights. For Thespesius,
- when he least suspected any such thing, and before he was
- aware, was got among his kindred, his acquaintance, and
- companions, who, groaning under the horrid pains of their
- cruel and ignominious punishments, with mournful cries
- and lamentations called him by his name. At length he
- saw his father ascending out of a certain abyss, all full of
- stripes, gashes, and scars; who stretching forth his hands—not permitted to keep silence, but constrained to confess
- by his tormentors—acknowledged that he had most impiously poisoned several of his guests for the sake of their
- gold; of which not being detected while he lived upon
- earth, but being convicted after his decease, he had endured
- part of his torments already, and now they were haling
- him where he should suffer more. However, he durst not
- either entreat or intercede for his father, such was his fear
- and consternation; and therefore being desirous to retire
- and be gone, he looked about for his kind and courteous
-
-
Nevertheless, being pushed forward by other deformed - and grim-looked goblins, as if there had been some necessity for him to pass forward, he saw how that the shadows - of such as had been notorious malefactors, and had been - punished in this world, were not tormented so grievously - nor alike to the others, in regard that only the imperfect - and irrational part of the soul, which was consequently - most subject to passions, was that which made them so - industrious in vice. Whereas those who had shrouded a - vicious and impious life under the outward profession and - a gained opinion of virtue, their tormentors constrained to - turn their insides outward with great difficulty and dreadful pain, and to writhe and screw themselves contrary to - the course of nature, like the sea scolopenders, which, - having swallowed the hook, throw forth their bowels and - lick it out again. Others they flayed and scarified, to - display their occult hypocrisies and latent impieties, which - had possessed and corrupted the principal part of their - souls. Other souls, as he said, he also saw, which being - twisted two and two, three and three, or more together - gnawed and devoured each other, either upon the score of - old grudges and former malice they had borne one another, - or else in revenge of the injuries and losses they had sustained upon earth.
-Moreover, he said, there were certain lakes that lay
- parallel and equidistant one from the other, the one of
- boiling gold, another of lead, exceeding cold, and the
- third of iron, which was very scaly and rugged. By the
- sides of these lakes stood certain Daemons, that with their
- instruments, like smiths or founders, put in or drew out
- the souls of such as had transgressed either through avarice or an eager desire of other men's goods. For the flame
- of the golden furnace having rendered these souls of a fiery
-
-
The last things that he saw were the souls of such as
- were designed for a second life. These were bowed, bent,
- and transformed into all sorts of creatures by the force of
- tools and anvils and the strength of workmen appointed
- for that purpose, that laid on without mercy, bruising the
- whole limbs of some, breaking others, disjointing others,
- and pounding some to powder and annihilation, on purpose
-
-
THESE and such like things, O Quintus! when Epicurus had spoken, before any person could return an
- answer, while we were busy at the farther end of the portico,
To which Patrocleas: The slowness of the Supreme
- Deity and his procrastination in reference to the punishment of the wicked have long perplexed my thoughts; but
- now, puzzled by these arguments which he produces, I
- find myself as it were a stranger to the opinion, and newly
- beginning again to learn. For a long time I could not with
- patience hear that expression of Euripides,
-
-
-
-
For indeed it becomes not the Supreme Deity to be remiss
- in any thing, but more especially in the prosecution of the
- wicked, since they themselves are no way negligent or
- dilatory in doing mischief, but are always driven on by the
- most rapid impetuosities of their passions to acts of injustice. For certainly, according to the saying of Thucydides,
- that revenge which follows injury closest at the heels presently puts a stop to the progress of such as make advantage
- of successful wickedness.
-
-
And I am apt to persuade myself that upon these and no - other considerations it is, that wicked men encourage and - give themselves the liberty to attempt and commit all manner of impieties, seeing that the fruit which injustice yields - is soon ripe, and offers itself early to the gatherer's hand, - whereas punishment comes late, and lagging long behind - the pleasure of enjoyment.
-After Patrocleas had thus discoursed, Olympicus
- taking him up, There is this farther, said he, O Patrocleas!
- which thou shouldst have taken notice of; for how great
- an inconveniency and absurdity arises besides from these
- delays and procrastinations of divine justice! For the
- slowness of its execution takes away the belief of providence; and the wicked, perceiving that calamity does not
- presently follow at the heels of every enormous crime, but
- a long time after, look upon their calamity as a misfortune,
- and calling it chance, not punishment, are nothing at all
- thereby reformed; troubled indeed they well may be at the
- dire accident befallen them, but they never repent of the
- villanies they have committed. For as, in the case of
- horse, the lashing and spurring that immediately pursue
- the transgression correct and reduce him to his duty, but
- all the tugging at the bit and shouting which are late and
- out of time seem to be inflicted for some other reason than
- to teach or instruct, the animal being thereby put to pain
- without understanding his error; in like manner, were the
- impieties of enormous transgressors and heinous offenders
- singly scourged and repressed by immediate severity, it
- would be most likely
These things thus uttered, while I was in a deep
- meditation of what he had said, Timon interposed. Is it
- your pleasure. said he, that I shall give the finishing stroke
- to the difficulties of this knotty question, or shall I first
- permit him to argue in opposition to what has been propounded already? Nay then, said I, to what purpose is it
- to let in a third wave to drown the argument, if one be
- not able to repel or avoid the objections already made
- to begin therefore, as from the Vestal hearth, from that
- ancient circumspection and reverence which our ancestors,
- being Academic philosophers also, bare to the Supreme
- Godhead, we shall utterly decline to speak of that mysterious Being as if we could presume to utter positively any
- thing concerning it. For though it may be borne withal,
- for men unskilled in music to talk at random of notes and
- harmony, or for such as never experienced warfare to discourse of arms and military affairs; yet it would be a bold
- and daring arrogance in us, that are but mortal men, to
- dive too far into the incomprehensible mysteries of Deities
- and Daemons,—just as if persons void of knowledge
- should undertake to judge of the methods and reason of
- cunning artists by slight opinions and probable conjectures
- of their own. And while one that understands nothing of
- science finds it hard to give a reason why the physician did
- not let blood before but afterwards, or why he did not bathe
- his patient yesterday but to-day; it cannot be that it is safe
- or easy for a mortal to speak otherwise of the Supreme
- Deity than only this, that he alone it is who knows the
- most convenient time to apply most proper corrosives for
- the cure of sin and impiety, and to administer punishments
- as medicaments to every transgressor, yet being not confined to an equal quality and measure common to all distempers, nor to one and the same time. Now that the
-
-
Nor do I allege these things as a pretence to avoid
- the dispute, but to secure the pardon which I beg, to the
- end that our discourse, having a regard (as it were) to some
- port or refuge, may proceed the more boldly in producing
- probable circumstances to clear the doubt. But first consider this; that God, according to Plato, when he set himself before the eyes of the whole world as the exemplar of
- all that was good and holy, granted human virtue, by which
- man is in some measure rendered like himself, unto those
- that are able to follow the Deity by imitation. For universal Nature, being at first void of order, received its first
- impulse to change and to be formed into a world, by being
- made to resemble and (as it were) partake of that idea and
- virtue which is in God. And the self-same Plato asserts,
- that Nature first kindled the sense of seeing within us, to
- the end that the soul, by the sight and admiration of the
- heavenly bodies, being accustomed to love and embrace
- decency and order, might be induced to hate the disorderly
- motions of wild and raving passions, and avoid levity and
- rashness and dependence upon chance, as the original of
- all improbity and vice. For there is no greater benefit that
- men can enjoy from God, than, by the imitation and pursuit
- of those perfections and that sanctity which is in him, to
- be excited to the study of virtue. Therefore God, with
- forbearance and at leisure, inflicts his punishment upon the
- wicked; not that he is afraid of committing an error or of
- repenting should he accelerate his indignation; but to
- eradicate that brutish and eager desire of revenge that
- reigns in human breasts, and to teach us that we are not
- in the heat of fury, or when our anger heaving and palpitating boils up above our understanding, to fall upon. those
- who have done us an injury, like those who seek to gratify
- a vehement thirst or craving appetite, but that we should,
-
-
-
-
so reason does that which is just and moderate, laying passion and fury aside. Whence it comes to pass that men,
- giving ear to human examples, become more mansuete and
- gentle; as when they hear how Plato, holding his cudgel
- over his page's shoulders, as himself relates, paused a good
- while, correcting his own anger; and how in like manner
- Archytas, observing the sloth and wilful negligence of his
- servants in the field, and perceiving his passion to rise at a
- more than usual rate, did nothing at all; but as he went
- away, It is your good fortune, said he, that ye have angered
- me. If then the savings of men when called to mind, and
- their actions being told, have such a power to mitigate the
- roughness and vehemency of wrath, much more becomes it
- us, beholding God, with whom there is neither dread nor
- repentance of any thing, deferring nevertheless his punishments to future time and admitting delay, to be cautious
- and circumspect in these matters, and to deem as a divine
- part of virtue that mildness and long-suffering of which
- God affords us an example, while by punishing he reforms
-
-
In the second place, therefore, let us consider this, - that human punishments of injuries regard no more than - that the party suffer in his turn, and are satisfied when - the offender has suffered according to his merit; and - farther they never proceed. Which is the reason that - they run after provocations, like dogs that bark in their - fury, and immediately pursue the injury as soon as committed. But probable it is that God, whatever distempered soul it be which he prosecutes with his divine justice, - observes the motions and inclinations of it, whether they - be such as tend to repentance, and allows time for the - reformation of those whose wickedness is neither invincible nor incorrigible. For, since he well knows what a - proportion of virtue souls carry along with them from himself when they come into the world, and how strong and - vigorous their innate and primitive good yet continues,—while wickedness buds forth only preternaturally upon the - corruption of bad diet and evil conversation, and even - then some souls recover again to perfect cure or an indifferent habitude,—therefore he doth not make haste to - inflict his punishments alike upon all. But those that are - incurable he presently lops off and deprives of life, deeming it altogether hurtful to others, but most baneful to - themselves, to be always wallowing in wickedness. But - as for those who may probably be thought to transgress - rather out of ignorance of what is virtuous and good, than - through choice of what is foul and vicious, he grants them - time to turn; but if they remain obdurate, then likewise - he inflicts his punishments upon them; for he has no fear - lest they should escape.
-Now let us consider how oft the characters and lives of
- men are changed; for which reason, the character is called
-
Over Megalopolis Lydiadas was tyrant; but then, even
- in the time of his tyranny, changing his manners and
- maxims of government and growing into a hatred of injustice, he restored to the citizens their laws, and fighting
- for his country against his own and his subjects' enemies,
- fell an illustrious victim for his country's welfare. Now if
- any one, bearing an antipathy to Miltiades or Cimon, had
- slain the one tyrannizing in the Chersonese or the other
- committing incest with his own sister, or had expelled
- Themistocles out of Athens at what time he lay rioting
- and revelling in the market-place and affronting all that
- came near him, according to the sentence afterwards pronounced against Alcibiades, had we not lost Marathon, the
- Eurymedon, and lovely Artemisium,
-
-
-
-
For great and lofty geniuses produce nothing that is mean - and little; the innate smartness of their parts will not - endure the vigor and activity of their spirits to grow lazy; - but they are tossed to and again, as with the waves, by the - rolling motions of their own inordinate desire, till at length - they arrive to a stable and settled constitution of manners. - Therefore, as a person that is unskilful in husbandry - would by no means make choice of a piece of ground - quite overrun with brakes and weeds, abounding with wild - beasts, running streams, and mud; while, to him who hath - learnt to understand the nature of the earth, these are certain symptoms of the softness and fertility of the soil; thus - great geniuses many times produce many absurd and vile - enormities, of which we not enduring the rugged and - uneasy vexation, are presently for pruning and lopping off - the lawless transgressors. But the more prudent judge, - who discerns the abounding goodness and generosity - covertly residing in those transcendent geniuses, waits the - co-operating age and season for reason and virtue to exert - themselves, and gathers the ripe fruit when Nature has - matured it. And thus much as to those particulars.
-Now to come to another part of our discourse, do you
- not believe that some of the Greeks did very prudently to
- register that law in Egypt among their own, whereby it is
- enacted that, if a woman with child be sentenced to die,
- she shall be reprieved till she be delivered? All the reason
- in the world, you will say. Then, say I, though a man
- cannot bring forth children, yet if he be able, by the assistance of Time, to reveal any hidden action or conspiracy,
- or to discover some concealed mischief, or to be author of
- some wholesome piece of advice,—or suppose that in time
- he may produce some necessary and useful invention,—is
-
-
-
-
And yet we do not find that ever the son of Copreus performed any famous or memorable achievement; but the - offspring of Sisyphus, Autolycus, and Phlegyas flourished - among the number of the most famous and virtuous princes. - Pericles at Athens descended from an accursed family; and - Pompey the Great at Rome was the son of Strabo, whose - dead body the Roman people, in the height of their hatred - conceived against him when alive, cast forth into the street - and trampled in the dirt. Where is the absurdity then,— - as the husbandman never cuts away the thorn till it injures - the asparagus, or as the Libyans never burn the stalks till - they have gathered all the ladanum,—if God never extirpates the evil and thorny root of a renowned and royal - race before he has gathered from it the mature and proper - fruit? For it would have been far better for the Phocians - to have lost ten thousand of Iphitus's horses and oxen, or - a far greater sum in gold and silver from the temple of - Delphi, than that Ulysses and Aesculapius should not have - been born, and those many others who, of wicked and - vicious men, became highly virtuous and beneficial to their - country.
-And should we not think it better to inflict deserved
- punishments in due season and by convenient means,
- than hastily and rashly when a man is in the heat and
- hurry of passion? Witness the example of Callippus,
- who, having stabbed Dio under the pretence of being his
- friend, was himself soon after slain by Dio's intimates with
-
-
As for Bessus, it seems he killed his own father, and - the murder lay concealed a long time. At length being - invited to supper among strangers, after he had so loosened - a swallow's nest with his spear that it fell down, he killed - all the young ones. Upon which, being asked by the - guests that were present, what injury the swallows had - done him that he should commit such an irregular act; - Did you not hear, said he, these cursed swallows, how they - clamored and made a noise, false witnesses as they were, - that I had long ago killed my father? This answer struck - the rest of the guests with so much wonder, that, after a - due pondering upon his words, they made known the - whole story to the king. Upon which, the matter being - dived into, Bessus was brought to condign punishment.
-These things I have alleged, as it was but reason,
- upon a supposition that there is a forbearance of inflicting punishment upon the wicked. As for what remains,
- it behooves us to listen to Hesiod, where he asserts,—not
- like Plato, that punishment is a suffering which accompanies injustice,—but that it is of the same age with it,
-
-
-
-
And in another place,
-
-
-
-
It is reported that the cantharis fly, by a certain kind
- of contrariety, carries within itself the cure of the wound
- which it inflicts. On the other side wickedness, at the
- same time it is committed, engendering its own vexation
- and torment, not at last, but at the very instant of the injury offered, suffers the reward of the injustice it has done.
- And as every malefactor who suffers in his body bears his
- own cross to the place of his execution, so are all the
- various torments of various wicked actions prepared by
- wickedness herself. Such a diligent architectress of a
- miserable and wretched life is wickedness, wherein shame
- is still accompanied with a thousand terrors and commotions of the mind, incessant repentance, and never-ceasing
- tumults of the spirits. However, there are some people
- that differ little or nothing from children, who, many times
- beholding malefactors upon the stage, in their gilded vestments and short purple cloaks, dancing with crowns upon
- their heads, admire and look upon them as the most happy
- persons in the world, till they see them gored and lashed,
- and flames of fire curling from underneath their sumptuous
- and gaudy garments. Thus there are many wicked men,
- surrounded with numerous families, splendid in the pomp
- of magistracy, and illustrious for the greatness of their
- power, whose punishments never display themselves till
- those glorious persons come to be the public spectacles of
- the people, either slain and lying weltering in their blood,
- or else standing on the top of the rock, ready to be tumbled headlong down the precipice; which indeed cannot
-
-
Moreover, as Herodicus the Selymbrian, falling into a
- consumption, the most incurable of all diseases, was the
- first who intermixed the gymnastic art with the science of
- physic (as Plato relates), and in so doing did spin out
- in length a tedious time of dying, as well for himself as
- for others laboring under the same distemper; in like
- manner some wicked men who flatter themselves to have
- escaped the present punishment, not after a longer time, but
- for a longer time, endure a more lasting, not a slower
- punishment; not punished with old age, but growing old
- under the tribulation of tormenting affliction. When I
- speak of a long time I speak in reference to ourselves.
- For as to the Gods, every distance and distinction of human life is nothing; and to say now, and not thirty years
- ago
is the same thing as to say that such a malefactor
- should be tormented or hanged in the afternoon and not in
- the morning;—more especially since a man is but shut up
- in this life, like a close prisoner in a gaol, from whence it
- is impossible to make an escape, while yet we feast and
- banquet, are full of business, receive rewards and honors
- and sport. Though certainly these are but like the sports
- of those that play at dice or draughts in the gaol, while the
- rope all the while hangs over their heads.
So that what should hinder me from asserting, that
- they who are condemned to die and shut up in prison are
- not truly punished till the executioner has chopped off
- their heads, or that he who has drunk hemlock, and then
- walks about and stays till a heaviness seizes his limbs, has
- suffered no punishment before the extinction of his natural
- heat and the coagulation of his blood deprive him of his
- senses,—that is to say, if we deem the last moment of the
- punishment only to be the punishment, and omit the commotions, terrors, apprehensions, and embitterments of repentance,
-
-
-
-
For the daring rashness and precipitate boldness of iniquity
- continue violent and active till the fact be perpetrated;
- but then the passion, like a surceasing tempest, growing
- slack and weak, surrenders itself to superstitious fears and
- terrors. So that Stesichorus may seem to have composed
- the dream of Clytemnestra, to set forth the event and truth
- of things:
-
-
-
-
For visions in dreams, noon-day apparitions, oracles, descents into hell, and whatever objects else which may be
- thought to be transmitted from heaven, raise continual
- tempests and horrors in the very souls of the guilty. Thus
- it is reported that Apollodorus in a dream beheld himself
- flayed by the Scythians and then boiled, and that his heart,
- speaking to him out of the kettle, uttered these words, I
- am the cause thou sufferest all this. And another time,
- that he saw his daughters run about him, their bodies
- burning and all in a flame. Hipparchus also, the son of
- Pisistratus, had a dream, that the Goddess Venus out of a
- certain phial flung blood in his face. The favorites of
- Ptolemy, surnamed the Thunderer, dreamed that they saw
- their master cited to the judgment-seat by Seleucus, where
-
-
-
-
After this the apparition still haunting him, he sailed to - the oracle of the dead in Heraclea, and by propitiations, - charms, and dirges, called up the ghost of the damsel; - which, appearing before him, told him in few words, that - he should be free from all his affrights and molestations - upon his return to Lacedaemon; where he was no sooner - arrived, but he died.
-Therefore, if nothing befalls the soul after the expiration of this life, but death is the end of all reward and
- punishment, I might infer from thence rather that the Deity is remiss and indulgent in swiftly punishing the wicked
- and depriving them of life. For if a man shall assert
- that in the space of this life the wicked are no otherwise
- affected than by the convincement that crime is a fruitless
- and barren thing, that produces nothing of good, nothing
- worthy of esteem, from the many great and terrible combats and agonies of the mind, the consideration of these
- things altogether subverts the soul. As it is related that
- Lysimachus, being under the violent constraint of a parching thirst, surrendered up his person and his dominions to
- the Getae for a little drink; but after he had quenched his
- draught and found himself a captive, Shame of this wickedness of mine, cried he, that for so small a pleasure have
-
-
-
-
Thus is it not reason to believe, that the soul of every wicked
- man revolves and reasons within itself, how by burying in
- oblivion former transgressions, and casting from itself the
- consciousness and the guilt of hitherto committed crimes,
- to fit frail mortality under her conduct for a new course of
- life? For there is nothing for a man to confide in, nothing
-
-
And now consider whether my discourse have not
- enlarged itself too far. To which Timon: Perhaps (said
- he) it may seem to have been too long, if we consider
- what remains behind, and the length of time required for
- the discussion of our other doubts. For now I am going
- about to put forward the last question, like a new champion, since we have contended already long enough upon
- the former. Now, as to what we have further to say, we
- find that Euripides delivers his mind freely, and censures
- the Gods for imputing the transgressions of forefathers
- unto their offspring. And I am apt to believe that even
- they who are most silent among us do the like. For if
- the offenders themselves have already received their reward, then there is no reason why the innocent should be
- punished, since it is not equal to punish even criminals
- twice for the same fact. But if remiss and careless, the
- Gods, omitting opportunely to inflict their penalties upon
- the wicked, send down their tardy rigor on the blameless,
- they do not well to repair their defective slowness by injustice. As it is reported of Aesop, that he came upon a
- time to Delphi, having brought along with him a great
- quantity of gold which Croesus had bestowed upon him,
- on purpose to offer a most magnificent oblation to the
- Gods, and with a design moreover to distribute among the
- priests and the people of Delphi four minas apiece. But
- there happening some disgust and difference between him
- and the Delphians, he performed his solemnity, but sent
- back his money to Sardis, not deeming those ungrateful
- people worthy of his bounty. Upon which the Delphians,
- laying their heads together, accused him of sacrilege, and
-
-
Neither is Alexander applauded by those who have the
- greatest esteem for his memory (of which number are we
- ourselves), who utterly laid waste the city of Branchidae,
- putting men, women, and children to the sword, for that
- their ancestors had long before delivered up the temple of
- Miletus. In like manner Agathocles, tyrant of Syracuse,
- when the Corcyraeans requested to know the reason of
- him, why he depopulated their island, deriding and scoffing
- at their demand, replied: For no other reason, by Jove,
- but because your forefathers entertained Ulysses. And
- when the islanders of Ithaca expostulated with him, asking why his soldiers carried away their sheep; because,
- said he, when your king came to our island, he put out
- the eyes of the shepherd himself. And therefore do you
- not think Apollo more extravagant than all these, for punishing
-
-
-
-
and all this to punish the lasciviousness of Ajax.
-Now where is the reason or justice of all this? Nor is - the custom of the Thracians to be approved, who to this - day abuse their wives in revenge of their cruelty to Orpheus. And with as little reason are the Barbarians about - the river Po to be extolled, who once a year put themselves - into mourning for the misfortune of Phaethon. And still - more ridiculous than all this it would certainly be, when - all those people that lived at the time took no notice of - Phaethon's mischance, that they, who happened to be born - five or ten generations after, should be so idle as to take - up the custom of going into black and bewailing his downfall. However, in all these things there is nothing to be - observed but mere folly; nothing pernicious, nor any thing - dangerous. But as for the anger of the Gods, what reason - can be given why their wrath should stop and conceal - itself upon a sudden, like some certain rivers, and when - all things seem to be forgot, should break forth upon - others with so much fury, as not to be atoned but with - some remarkable calamities?
-Upon that, so soon as he had done speaking, not a
- little afraid lest, if he should begin again, he would run
- himself into many more and greater absurdities, I asked:
- Do you believe, sir, all that you have said to be true?
- Then he: Though all that I have alleged may not be true,
- yet if only some part may be allowed for truth, do not you
- think there is the same difficulty still remaining in the
- question? It may be so, said I. And thus it is with those
- who labor under a vehement burning fever; for, whether
- covered with one blanket or many, the heat is still the
- same or very little different; yet for refreshment's sake it
- may be convenient sometimes to lighten the weight of the
- clothes; and if the patient refuse your courtesy, to let him
- alone. Yet I must tell you, the greatest part of these
- examples look like fables and fiction. Call to mind therefore the feast called Theoxenia lately celebrated, and that
- most noble portion which the public criers proclaim to be
- received as their due by the offspring of Pindar; and recollect with yourself, how majestic and grateful a mark of
- grandeur you look upon that to be. Truly, said he, I
- judge there is no man living who would not be sensible of
- the curiosity and elegancy of such an honor, displaying
- antiquity void of tincture and false glitter, after the Greek
- manner, unless he were such a brute that I may use the
- words of Pindar himself:
-
-
-
-
Therefore I forbear, said I, to mention that proclamation
- not much unlike to this, usually made in Sparta,—After
- the Lesbian singer,
—in honor and memory of the ancient Terpander. But you, on the other side, deem yourself worthy to be preferred above all the rest of the
- Boeotians, as being of the noble race of the Opheltiadae;
- and among the Phocians you claim undoubted pre-eminence,
- for the sake of your ancestor Daiphantus. And, for my
-
-
These, said I, are the preliminaries, which I would - have you make use of against those choleric accusers and - testy snarlers of whom I have given you warning. But - now to take in hand once more, as it were, the first end of - the bottom of thread, in this same dark discourse of the - Gods, wherein there are so many windings and turnings - and gloomy labyrinths, let us by degrees and with caution - direct our steps to what is most likely and probable. For, - even in those things which fall under our daily practice - and management, we are many times at a loss to determine - the undoubted and unquestioned truth. For example, - what certain reason can be given for that custom amongst - us, of ordering the children of parents that die of a consumption or a dropsy to sit with both their feet soaking in - the water till the dead body be burnt? For people believe, - that thereby the disease is prevented from becoming hereditary, and also that it is a charm to secure those children - from it as long as they live. Again, what should be the - reason, that if a goat take a piece of sea-holly in her - mouth, the whole herd will stand still till the goat-herd - come and take it out? Other hidden properties there are, - which, by virtue of certain touches and transitions, pass - from some bodies into others with incredible swiftness and - often to incredible distances. But we are more apt to - wonder at distances of time than those of space. And yet - there is more reason to wonder, that Athens should be - infected with an epidemic contagion taking its rise in - Ethiopia, that Pericles should die and Thucydides be smitten with the infection, than that, upon the impiety of the - Delphians and Sybarites, delayed vengeance should at - length overtake their posterity. For these hidden powers - and properties have their sacred connections and correspondences between their utmost endings and their first - beginnings; of which although the causes be concealed - from us, yet silently they bring to pass their proper effects.
-Not but that there is a reason ready at hand for the
- public punishments showered down from heaven upon
- particular cities. For a city is a kind of entire thing and
- continued body, a certain sort of creature, never subject to
- the changes and alterations of age, nor varying through
- process of time from one thing to another, but always
- sympathizing and in unity with itself, and receiving the
- punishment or reward of whatever it does or has ever
- acted in common, so long as the community, which makes
- it a body and binds it together with the mutual bands of
- human benefit, preserves its unity. For he that goes about
- of one city to make many, and perhaps an infinite number,
- by distinguishing the intervals of time, seems to be like a
- person who would make several of one single man, because
- he is now grown elderly who before was a young man, and
- before that a mere stripling. Or rather, it resembles the
- method of disputing amongst the Epicharmians, the first
- authors of that manner of arguing called the increaser.
- For example: he that formerly ran in debt, although he
- never paid it, owes nothing now, as being become another
- man; and he that was invited yesterday to supper comes
- the next night an unbidden guest, for that he is quite
- another person. And indeed the distinctions of ages cause
- greater alterations in every one of us than commonly they
- do in cities. For he that has seen Athens may know it
- again thirty years after; the present manners, motions,
- pastimes, serious studies, their familiarities and marks of
- their displeasure, little or nothing differing from what formerly they were. But after a long absence there is many
- a man who, meeting his own familiar friend, hardly knows
- him again, by reason of the great alteration of his countenance and the change of his manners, which are so easily
- subject to the alterations of language, labor, and employment, all manner of accidents, and mutation of laws, that
- even they who are most usually conversant with him admire
-
- You cannot step twice into the same river,
he says. See Plat.
Now then, if a city be one entire and continued
- body, the same opinion is to be conceived of a race of
- men, depending upon one and the same beginning, and
- carrying along with it a certain power and communion of
- qualities; in regard that what is begotten cannot be thought
- to be severed from that which begets it, like a piece of
- workmanship from the artificer; the one being begotten
- of the person, the other framed by him. So that what is
- engendered is a part of the original from whence it sprung,
- whether meriting honor or deserving punishment. So that,
- were it not that I might be thought to be too sportive in a
- serious discourse, I would affirm, that the Athenians were
- more unjust to the statue of Cassander when they caused
- it to be melted down and defaced, and that the Syracusans
- were more rigorous to the dead carcass of Dionysius when
- they cast it forth of their own confines, than if they had
- punished their posterity; for that the statue did no way
- partake of the substance of Cassander, and the soul of
- Dionysius was absolutely departed from the body deceased.
- Whereas Nisaeus, Apollocrates, Antipater, Philip, and
- several others descended from wicked parents, still retained
- the most principal part of those who begot them, not lazily
-
-
While I was yet speaking, Olympicus interrupting
- me said: You seem by this discourse of yours to infer as
- if the soul were immortal, which is a supposition of great
- consequence. It is very true, said I, nor is it any more
-
-
Then Patrocleas: What oracle was this? Who was - that same Corax? For both the answer itself and the - person whom you mention are strangers to my remembrance. Certainly, said I, that cannot be; only it was my - error which occasioned your ignorance, in making use of - the addition to the name instead of the name itself. For - it was Calondas, who slew Archilochus in fight, and who - was surnamed Corax. He was thereupon ejected by the - Pythian priestess, as one who had slain a person devoted - to the Muses; but afterwards, humbling himself in prayers - and supplications, intermixed with undeniable excuses of - the fact, was enjoined by the oracle to repair to the habitation of Tettix, there to expiate his crime by appeasing the - ghost of Archilochus. That place was called Taenarus; - for there it was, as the report goes, that Tettix the Cretan, - coming with a navy, landed, built a city not far from the - Psychopompaeum (or place where ghosts are conjured up), - and stored it with inhabitants. In like manner, when the - Spartans were commanded by the oracle to atone the ghost - of Pausanias, they sent for several exorcisers and conjurers out of Italy, who by virtue of their sacrifices chased - the apparition out of the temple.
-Therefore, said I, there is one and the same reason
- to confirm the providence of God and the immortality of
- the soul; neither is it possible to admit the one, if you
- deny the other. Now then, the soul surviving after the
- decease of the body, the inference is the stronger that it
- partakes of punishment and reward. For during this mortal life the soul is in continual combat like a wrestler; but
- after all those conflicts are at an end, she then receives according to her merits. But what the punishments and what
-
-
Bion was of opinion that God, in punishing the
- children of the wicked for the sins of their fathers, seems
- more irregular than a physician that should administer
- physic to a son or a grandchild, to cure the distemper of
- a father or a grandfather. But this comparison does not
-
-
Or can you believe but that in this particular God
- is wiser than Hesiod, admonishing and exhorting us in
- this manner:
-
-
intimating thereby, that a man was never to attempt the
- work of generation but in the height of a jocund and
- merry humor, and when he found himself as it were dissolved into jollity; as if from procreation proceeded the
- impressions not only of vice or virtue, but of sorrow and
- joy, and of all other qualities and affections whatever.
- However, it is not the work of human wisdom (as Hesiod
- supposes) but of divine providence, to foresee the sympathies
-
-
What shall I say? But even a little before we
- were offended at the Gods protracting and delaying the
- punishments of the wicked, and now we are as much displeased that they do not curb and chastise the depravities
- of an evil disposition before the fact committed; not considering that many times a mischief contrived for future
- execution may prove more dreadful than a fact already
- committed, and that dormant villany may be more dangerous than open and apparent iniquity; not being able
- to apprehend the reason wherefore it is better to bear with
- the unjust actions of some men, and to prevent the meditating and contrivance of mischief in others. As, in truth,
- we do not rightly comprehend why some remedies and
- physical drugs are no way convenient for those that labor
- under a real disease, yet wholesome and profitable for
- those that are seemingly in health, but yet perhaps in a
- worse condition than they who are sick. Whence it comes
- to pass, that the Gods do not always turn the transgressions of parents upon their children; but if a virtuous son
- happen to be the offspring of a wicked father,—as often
- it falls out that a sane child is born of one that is unsound
- and crazy,—such a one is exempted from the punishment
- which threatens the whole descent, as having been adopted
- into a virtuous family. But for a young man that treads
- in the footsteps of a criminal race, it is but just that he
- should succeed to the punishment of his ancestor's iniquity, as one of the debts attached to his inheritance.
-
-
Having thus concluded, I held my peace; when
- Olympicus smiling said: We forbear as yet to give you
- our approbation, that we may not seem to have forgot the
- fable; not but that we believe your discourse to have been
- sufficiently made out by demonstration, only we reserve
- our opinion till we shall have heard the relation of that
- likewise. Upon which, I began again after this manner:
-
-
For when his sense first left his body, it seemed to him - as if he had been some pilot flung from the helm by the - force of a storm into the midst of the sea. Afterwards, - rising up again above water by degrees, so soon as he - thought he had fully recovered his breath, he looked about - him every way, as if one eye of his soul had been open. - But he beheld nothing of those things which he was wont - formerly to see, only he saw stars of a vast magnitude, at - an immense distance one from the other, and sending forth - a light most wonderful for the brightness of its color, which - shot itself out in length with an incredible force; on which - the soul riding, as it were in a chariot, was most swiftly, - yet as gently and smoothly, dandled from one place to - another. But omitting the greatest part of the sights - which he beheld, he saw, as he said, the souls of such as - were newly departed, as they mounted from below, resembling little fiery bubbles, to which the air gave way. - Which bubbles afterwards breaking insensibly and by degrees, the soul came forth in the shapes of men and women, - light and nimble, as being discharged of all their earthly - substance. However, they differed in their motion; for - some of them leaped forth with a wonderful swiftness, and - mounted up in a direct line; others like so many spindles - of spinning-wheels turned round and round, sometimes - whisking upwards, sometimes darting downwards, with a - confused and mixed agitation, that could hardly be stopped - in a very long time.
-Of these souls he knew not who the most part were;
-
- divine.
For thou art
- not in the number of the dead as yet, it said, but by a certain destiny and permission of the Gods, thou art come
- hither only with thy intellectual faculty, having left the
- rest of thy soul, like an anchor, in thy body. And that
- thou mayst be assured of this, observe it for a certain rule,
- both now and hereafter, that the souls of the deceased
- neither cast any shadow, neither do they open and shut
- their eyelids. Thespesius having heard this discourse, was
- so much the more encouraged to make use of his own reason; and therefore looking round about to prove the truth
-
-
Moreover, this kinsman of Thespesius (for nothing hinders but that we may call the souls by the names of the
- persons which they enlivened), proceeding to give a relation of several other things, informed his friend how that
- Adrastea, the daughter of Jupiter and Necessity, was seated
- in the highest place of all, to punish all manner of crimes
- and enormities; and that in the whole number of the
- wicked and ungodly, there never was any one, whether
- great or little, high or low, rich or poor, that ever could
- by force or cunning escape the severe lashes of her rigor.
- But as there are three sorts of punishments, so there are
- three several Furies, or female ministers of justice; and to
- every one of these belongs a peculiar office and degree of
- punishment. The first of these was called Speedy Punishment, who takes in charge those that are presently to receive bodily punishment in this life, which she manages
- after a more gentle manner, omitting the correction of
- many offences which need expiation. But if the cure of
- impiety require a greater labor, the Deity delivers them
- after death to Justice. But when Justice has given them
- over as altogether incurable, then the third and most severe
- of all Adrastea's ministers, Erinnys (the Fury), takes them
- in hand; and after she has chased and coursed them from
- one place to another, flying, yet not knowing where to
-
-
Now, of all these three sorts, that which is inflicted by - punishment in this life resembles the practice among the - barbarians. For, as among the Persians, they take off the - garments and turbans of those that are to be punished, and - tear and whip them before the offender's faces, while the - criminals, with tears and lamentations, beseech the executioners to give over; so corporal punishments, and penalties by mulcts and fines, have no sharpness or severity, nor - do they take hold upon the vice itself, but are inflicted for - the most part only with regard to appearance and to the - outward sense. But if any one comes hither that has - escaped punishment while he lived upon earth and before - he was well purged from his crimes, Justice takes him to - task, naked as he is, with his soul displayed, as having - nothing to conceal or veil his impiety; but on all sides and - to all men's eyes and every way exposed, she shows him - first to his honest parents, if he had any such, to let them - see how degenerate he was and unworthy of his progenitors. But if they were wicked likewise, then are - their sufferings rendered yet more terrible by the mutual - sight of each other's miseries, and those for a long time - inflicted, till each individual crime has been quite effaced - with pains and torments as far surmounting in sharpness - and severity all punishments and tortures of the flesh, as - what is real and evident surpasses an idle dream. But the - weals and stripes that remain after punishment appear - more signal in some, in others are less evident.
-View there, said he, those various colors of souls. That
- same black and sordid hue is the tincture of avarice and
- fraud. That bloody and flame-like dye betokens cruelty,
- and an imbittered desire of revenge. Where you perceive
-
-
Having thus said, the spirit quickly carried Thespesius
- to a certain place, as it appeared to him, prodigiously
- spacious; yet so gently and without the least deviation,
- that he seemed to be borne upon the rays of the light as
- upon wings. Thus at length he came to a certain gaping
- chasm, that was fathomless downward, where he found
- himself deserted by that extraordinary force which brought
- him thither, and perceived other souls also to be there in
-
-
The spirit said, moreover, that Bacchus ascended through
- this overture to heaven, and afterwards returning fetched
- up Semele the same way; and that it was called the place
- of oblivion. Wherefore his kinsman would not suffer
- Thespesius to tarry there any longer, though very unwilling to depart, but took him away by force; informing and
- instructing him withal, how strangely and how suddenly the
- mind was subject to be softened and melted by pleasure;
- that the irrational and corporeal part, being watered and
- incarnated thereby, revives the memory of the body,
- and that from this remembrance proceed concupiscence
- and desire, exciting an appetite for a new generation and
- entrance into a body—which is named
At length, after he had been carried as far another way
- as when he was transported to the yawning overture, he
-
-
And with that, leading Thespesius nearer, the spirit endeavored to show him the light of the Tripod, which, as he
- said, shooting through the bosom of Themis, fell upon
- Parnassus; which Thespesius was desirous to see, but
- could not, in regard the extraordinary brightness of the
- light dazzled his eyes; only passing by, he heard the shrill
- voice of a woman speaking in verse and measure, and
-
-
-
-
After this, they passed on to behold the torments of those
- that were punished. And indeed at first they met with
- none but lamentable and dismal sights. For Thespesius,
- when he least suspected any such thing, and before he was
- aware, was got among his kindred, his acquaintance, and
- companions, who, groaning under the horrid pains of their
- cruel and ignominious punishments, with mournful cries
- and lamentations called him by his name. At length he
- saw his father ascending out of a certain abyss, all full of
- stripes, gashes, and scars; who stretching forth his hands—not permitted to keep silence, but constrained to confess
- by his tormentors—acknowledged that he had most impiously poisoned several of his guests for the sake of their
- gold; of which not being detected while he lived upon
- earth, but being convicted after his decease, he had endured
- part of his torments already, and now they were haling
- him where he should suffer more. However, he durst not
- either entreat or intercede for his father, such was his fear
- and consternation; and therefore being desirous to retire
- and be gone, he looked about for his kind and courteous
-
-
Nevertheless, being pushed forward by other deformed - and grim-looked goblins, as if there had been some necessity for him to pass forward, he saw how that the shadows - of such as had been notorious malefactors, and had been - punished in this world, were not tormented so grievously - nor alike to the others, in regard that only the imperfect - and irrational part of the soul, which was consequently - most subject to passions, was that which made them so - industrious in vice. Whereas those who had shrouded a - vicious and impious life under the outward profession and - a gained opinion of virtue, their tormentors constrained to - turn their insides outward with great difficulty and dreadful pain, and to writhe and screw themselves contrary to - the course of nature, like the sea scolopenders, which, - having swallowed the hook, throw forth their bowels and - lick it out again. Others they flayed and scarified, to - display their occult hypocrisies and latent impieties, which - had possessed and corrupted the principal part of their - souls. Other souls, as he said, he also saw, which being - twisted two and two, three and three, or more together - gnawed and devoured each other, either upon the score of - old grudges and former malice they had borne one another, - or else in revenge of the injuries and losses they had sustained upon earth.
-Moreover, he said, there were certain lakes that lay
- parallel and equidistant one from the other, the one of
- boiling gold, another of lead, exceeding cold, and the
- third of iron, which was very scaly and rugged. By the
- sides of these lakes stood certain Daemons, that with their
- instruments, like smiths or founders, put in or drew out
- the souls of such as had transgressed either through avarice or an eager desire of other men's goods. For the flame
- of the golden furnace having rendered these souls of a fiery
-
-
The last things that he saw were the souls of such as
- were designed for a second life. These were bowed, bent,
- and transformed into all sorts of creatures by the force of
- tools and anvils and the strength of workmen appointed
- for that purpose, that laid on without mercy, bruising the
- whole limbs of some, breaking others, disjointing others,
- and pounding some to powder and annihilation, on purpose
-
-
THESE and such like things, O Quintus! when Epicurus had spoken, before any person could return an answer, while we were busy at the farther end of the portico,
To which Patrocleas: The slowness of the Supreme Deity and his procrastination in reference to the punishment of the wicked have long perplexed my thoughts; but now, puzzled by these arguments which he produces, I find myself as it were a stranger to the opinion, and newly beginning again to learn. For a long time I could not with patience hear that expression of Euripides,
For indeed it becomes not the Supreme Deity to be remiss in any thing, but more especially in the prosecution of the wicked, since they themselves are no way negligent or dilatory in doing mischief, but are always driven on by the most rapid impetuosities of their passions to acts of injustice. For certainly, according to the saying of Thucydides, that revenge which follows injury closest at the heels presently puts a stop to the progress of such as make advantage of successful wickedness.
And I am apt to persuade myself that upon these and no other considerations it is, that wicked men encourage and give themselves the liberty to attempt and commit all manner of impieties, seeing that the fruit which injustice yields is soon ripe, and offers itself early to the gatherer’s hand, whereas punishment comes late, and lagging long behind the pleasure of enjoyment.
After Patrocleas had thus discoursed, Olympicus taking him up, There is this farther, said he, O Patrocleas! which thou shouldst have taken notice of; for how great an inconveniency and absurdity arises besides from these delays and procrastinations of divine justice! For the slowness of its execution takes away the belief of providence; and the wicked, perceiving that calamity does not presently follow at the heels of every enormous crime, but a long time after, look upon their calamity as a misfortune, and calling it chance, not punishment, are nothing at all thereby reformed; troubled indeed they well may be at the dire accident befallen them, but they never repent of the villanies they have committed. For as, in the case of horse, the lashing and spurring that immediately pursue the transgression correct and reduce him to his duty, but all the tugging at the bit and shouting which are late and out of time seem to be inflicted for some other reason than to teach or instruct, the animal being thereby put to pain without understanding his error; in like manner, were the impieties of enormous transgressors and heinous offenders singly scourged and repressed by immediate severity, it would be most likely
These things thus uttered, while I was in a deep meditation of what he had said, Timon interposed. Is it your pleasure. said he, that I shall give the finishing stroke to the difficulties of this knotty question, or shall I first permit him to argue in opposition to what has been propounded already? Nay then, said I, to what purpose is it to let in a third wave to drown the argument, if one be not able to repel or avoid the objections already made to begin therefore, as from the Vestal hearth, from that ancient circumspection and reverence which our ancestors, being Academic philosophers also, bare to the Supreme Godhead, we shall utterly decline to speak of that mysterious Being as if we could presume to utter positively any thing concerning it. For though it may be borne withal, for men unskilled in music to talk at random of notes and harmony, or for such as never experienced warfare to discourse of arms and military affairs; yet it would be a bold and daring arrogance in us, that are but mortal men, to dive too far into the incomprehensible mysteries of Deities and Daemons,—just as if persons void of knowledge should undertake to judge of the methods and reason of cunning artists by slight opinions and probable conjectures of their own. And while one that understands nothing of science finds it hard to give a reason why the physician did not let blood before but afterwards, or why he did not bathe his patient yesterday but to-day; it cannot be that it is safe or easy for a mortal to speak otherwise of the Supreme Deity than only this, that he alone it is who knows the most convenient time to apply most proper corrosives for the cure of sin and impiety, and to administer punishments as medicaments to every transgressor, yet being not confined to an equal quality and measure common to all distempers, nor to one and the same time. Now that the
Nor do I allege these things as a pretence to avoid the dispute, but to secure the pardon which I beg, to the end that our discourse, having a regard (as it were) to some port or refuge, may proceed the more boldly in producing probable circumstances to clear the doubt. But first consider this; that God, according to Plato, when he set himself before the eyes of the whole world as the exemplar of all that was good and holy, granted human virtue, by which man is in some measure rendered like himself, unto those that are able to follow the Deity by imitation. For universal Nature, being at first void of order, received its first impulse to change and to be formed into a world, by being made to resemble and (as it were) partake of that idea and virtue which is in God. And the self-same Plato asserts, that Nature first kindled the sense of seeing within us, to the end that the soul, by the sight and admiration of the heavenly bodies, being accustomed to love and embrace decency and order, might be induced to hate the disorderly motions of wild and raving passions, and avoid levity and rashness and dependence upon chance, as the original of all improbity and vice. For there is no greater benefit that men can enjoy from God, than, by the imitation and pursuit of those perfections and that sanctity which is in him, to be excited to the study of virtue. Therefore God, with forbearance and at leisure, inflicts his punishment upon the wicked; not that he is afraid of committing an error or of repenting should he accelerate his indignation; but to eradicate that brutish and eager desire of revenge that reigns in human breasts, and to teach us that we are not in the heat of fury, or when our anger heaving and palpitating boils up above our understanding, to fall upon. those who have done us an injury, like those who seek to gratify a vehement thirst or craving appetite, but that we should,
so reason does that which is just and moderate, laying passion and fury aside. Whence it comes to pass that men, giving ear to human examples, become more mansuete and gentle; as when they hear how Plato, holding his cudgel over his page’s shoulders, as himself relates, paused a good while, correcting his own anger; and how in like manner Archytas, observing the sloth and wilful negligence of his servants in the field, and perceiving his passion to rise at a more than usual rate, did nothing at all; but as he went away, It is your good fortune, said he, that ye have angered me. If then the savings of men when called to mind, and their actions being told, have such a power to mitigate the roughness and vehemency of wrath, much more becomes it us, beholding God, with whom there is neither dread nor repentance of any thing, deferring nevertheless his punishments to future time and admitting delay, to be cautious and circumspect in these matters, and to deem as a divine part of virtue that mildness and long-suffering of which God affords us an example, while by punishing he reforms
In the second place, therefore, let us consider this, that human punishments of injuries regard no more than that the party suffer in his turn, and are satisfied when the offender has suffered according to his merit; and farther they never proceed. Which is the reason that they run after provocations, like dogs that bark in their fury, and immediately pursue the injury as soon as committed. But probable it is that God, whatever distempered soul it be which he prosecutes with his divine justice, observes the motions and inclinations of it, whether they be such as tend to repentance, and allows time for the reformation of those whose wickedness is neither invincible nor incorrigible. For, since he well knows what a proportion of virtue souls carry along with them from himself when they come into the world, and how strong and vigorous their innate and primitive good yet continues,—while wickedness buds forth only preternaturally upon the corruption of bad diet and evil conversation, and even then some souls recover again to perfect cure or an indifferent habitude,—therefore he doth not make haste to inflict his punishments alike upon all. But those that are incurable he presently lops off and deprives of life, deeming it altogether hurtful to others, but most baneful to themselves, to be always wallowing in wickedness. But as for those who may probably be thought to transgress rather out of ignorance of what is virtuous and good, than through choice of what is foul and vicious, he grants them time to turn; but if they remain obdurate, then likewise he inflicts his punishments upon them; for he has no fear lest they should escape.
+Now let us consider how oft the characters and lives of men are changed; for which reason, the character is called
Over Megalopolis Lydiadas was tyrant; but then, even in the time of his tyranny, changing his manners and maxims of government and growing into a hatred of injustice, he restored to the citizens their laws, and fighting for his country against his own and his subjects’ enemies, fell an illustrious victim for his country’s welfare. Now if any one, bearing an antipathy to Miltiades or Cimon, had slain the one tyrannizing in the Chersonese or the other committing incest with his own sister, or had expelled Themistocles out of Athens at what time he lay rioting and revelling in the market-place and affronting all that came near him, according to the sentence afterwards pronounced against Alcibiades, had we not lost Marathon, the Eurymedon, and lovely Artemisium,
For great and lofty geniuses produce nothing that is mean and little; the innate smartness of their parts will not endure the vigor and activity of their spirits to grow lazy; but they are tossed to and again, as with the waves, by the rolling motions of their own inordinate desire, till at length they arrive to a stable and settled constitution of manners. Therefore, as a person that is unskilful in husbandry would by no means make choice of a piece of ground quite overrun with brakes and weeds, abounding with wild beasts, running streams, and mud; while, to him who hath learnt to understand the nature of the earth, these are certain symptoms of the softness and fertility of the soil; thus great geniuses many times produce many absurd and vile enormities, of which we not enduring the rugged and uneasy vexation, are presently for pruning and lopping off the lawless transgressors. But the more prudent judge, who discerns the abounding goodness and generosity covertly residing in those transcendent geniuses, waits the co-operating age and season for reason and virtue to exert themselves, and gathers the ripe fruit when Nature has matured it. And thus much as to those particulars.
Now to come to another part of our discourse, do you not believe that some of the Greeks did very prudently to register that law in Egypt among their own, whereby it is enacted that, if a woman with child be sentenced to die, she shall be reprieved till she be delivered? All the reason in the world, you will say. Then, say I, though a man cannot bring forth children, yet if he be able, by the assistance of Time, to reveal any hidden action or conspiracy, or to discover some concealed mischief, or to be author of some wholesome piece of advice,—or suppose that in time he may produce some necessary and useful invention,—is
And yet we do not find that ever the son of Copreus performed any famous or memorable achievement; but the offspring of Sisyphus, Autolycus, and Phlegyas flourished among the number of the most famous and virtuous princes. Pericles at Athens descended from an accursed family; and Pompey the Great at Rome was the son of Strabo, whose dead body the Roman people, in the height of their hatred conceived against him when alive, cast forth into the street and trampled in the dirt. Where is the absurdity then,— as the husbandman never cuts away the thorn till it injures the asparagus, or as the Libyans never burn the stalks till they have gathered all the ladanum,—if God never extirpates the evil and thorny root of a renowned and royal race before he has gathered from it the mature and proper fruit? For it would have been far better for the Phocians to have lost ten thousand of Iphitus’s horses and oxen, or a far greater sum in gold and silver from the temple of Delphi, than that Ulysses and Aesculapius should not have been born, and those many others who, of wicked and vicious men, became highly virtuous and beneficial to their country.
And should we not think it better to inflict deserved punishments in due season and by convenient means, than hastily and rashly when a man is in the heat and hurry of passion? Witness the example of Callippus, who, having stabbed Dio under the pretence of being his friend, was himself soon after slain by Dio’s intimates with
As for Bessus, it seems he killed his own father, and the murder lay concealed a long time. At length being invited to supper among strangers, after he had so loosened a swallow’s nest with his spear that it fell down, he killed all the young ones. Upon which, being asked by the guests that were present, what injury the swallows had done him that he should commit such an irregular act; Did you not hear, said he, these cursed swallows, how they clamored and made a noise, false witnesses as they were, that I had long ago killed my father? This answer struck the rest of the guests with so much wonder, that, after a due pondering upon his words, they made known the whole story to the king. Upon which, the matter being dived into, Bessus was brought to condign punishment.
These things I have alleged, as it was but reason, upon a supposition that there is a forbearance of inflicting punishment upon the wicked. As for what remains, it behooves us to listen to Hesiod, where he asserts,—not like Plato, that punishment is a suffering which accompanies injustice,—but that it is of the same age with it,
And in another place,
It is reported that the cantharis fly, by a certain kind of contrariety, carries within itself the cure of the wound which it inflicts. On the other side wickedness, at the same time it is committed, engendering its own vexation and torment, not at last, but at the very instant of the injury offered, suffers the reward of the injustice it has done. And as every malefactor who suffers in his body bears his own cross to the place of his execution, so are all the various torments of various wicked actions prepared by wickedness herself. Such a diligent architectress of a miserable and wretched life is wickedness, wherein shame is still accompanied with a thousand terrors and commotions of the mind, incessant repentance, and never-ceasing tumults of the spirits. However, there are some people that differ little or nothing from children, who, many times beholding malefactors upon the stage, in their gilded vestments and short purple cloaks, dancing with crowns upon their heads, admire and look upon them as the most happy persons in the world, till they see them gored and lashed, and flames of fire curling from underneath their sumptuous and gaudy garments. Thus there are many wicked men, surrounded with numerous families, splendid in the pomp of magistracy, and illustrious for the greatness of their power, whose punishments never display themselves till those glorious persons come to be the public spectacles of the people, either slain and lying weltering in their blood, or else standing on the top of the rock, ready to be tumbled headlong down the precipice; which indeed cannot
Moreover, as Herodicus the Selymbrian, falling into a consumption, the most incurable of all diseases, was the first who intermixed the gymnastic art with the science of physic (as Plato relates), and in so doing did spin out in length a tedious time of dying, as well for himself as for others laboring under the same distemper; in like manner some wicked men who flatter themselves to have escaped the present punishment, not after a longer time, but for a longer time, endure a more lasting, not a slower punishment; not punished with old age, but growing old under the tribulation of tormenting affliction. When I speak of a long time I speak in reference to ourselves. For as to the Gods, every distance and distinction of human life is nothing; and to say now, and not thirty years ago
is the same thing as to say that such a malefactor should be tormented or hanged in the afternoon and not in the morning;—more especially since a man is but shut up in this life, like a close prisoner in a gaol, from whence it is impossible to make an escape, while yet we feast and banquet, are full of business, receive rewards and honors and sport. Though certainly these are but like the sports of those that play at dice or draughts in the gaol, while the rope all the while hangs over their heads.
So that what should hinder me from asserting, that they who are condemned to die and shut up in prison are not truly punished till the executioner has chopped off their heads, or that he who has drunk hemlock, and then walks about and stays till a heaviness seizes his limbs, has suffered no punishment before the extinction of his natural heat and the coagulation of his blood deprive him of his senses,—that is to say, if we deem the last moment of the punishment only to be the punishment, and omit the commotions, terrors, apprehensions, and embitterments of repentance,
For the daring rashness and precipitate boldness of iniquity continue violent and active till the fact be perpetrated; but then the passion, like a surceasing tempest, growing slack and weak, surrenders itself to superstitious fears and terrors. So that Stesichorus may seem to have composed the dream of Clytemnestra, to set forth the event and truth of things:
For visions in dreams, noon-day apparitions, oracles, descents into hell, and whatever objects else which may be thought to be transmitted from heaven, raise continual tempests and horrors in the very souls of the guilty. Thus it is reported that Apollodorus in a dream beheld himself flayed by the Scythians and then boiled, and that his heart, speaking to him out of the kettle, uttered these words, I am the cause thou sufferest all this. And another time, that he saw his daughters run about him, their bodies burning and all in a flame. Hipparchus also, the son of Pisistratus, had a dream, that the Goddess Venus out of a certain phial flung blood in his face. The favorites of Ptolemy, surnamed the Thunderer, dreamed that they saw their master cited to the judgment-seat by Seleucus, where
After this the apparition still haunting him, he sailed to the oracle of the dead in Heraclea, and by propitiations, charms, and dirges, called up the ghost of the damsel; which, appearing before him, told him in few words, that he should be free from all his affrights and molestations upon his return to Lacedaemon; where he was no sooner arrived, but he died.
Therefore, if nothing befalls the soul after the expiration of this life, but death is the end of all reward and punishment, I might infer from thence rather that the Deity is remiss and indulgent in swiftly punishing the wicked and depriving them of life. For if a man shall assert that in the space of this life the wicked are no otherwise affected than by the convincement that crime is a fruitless and barren thing, that produces nothing of good, nothing worthy of esteem, from the many great and terrible combats and agonies of the mind, the consideration of these things altogether subverts the soul. As it is related that Lysimachus, being under the violent constraint of a parching thirst, surrendered up his person and his dominions to the Getae for a little drink; but after he had quenched his draught and found himself a captive, Shame of this wickedness of mine, cried he, that for so small a pleasure have
Thus is it not reason to believe, that the soul of every wicked man revolves and reasons within itself, how by burying in oblivion former transgressions, and casting from itself the consciousness and the guilt of hitherto committed crimes, to fit frail mortality under her conduct for a new course of life? For there is nothing for a man to confide in, nothing
And now consider whether my discourse have not enlarged itself too far. To which Timon: Perhaps (said he) it may seem to have been too long, if we consider what remains behind, and the length of time required for the discussion of our other doubts. For now I am going about to put forward the last question, like a new champion, since we have contended already long enough upon the former. Now, as to what we have further to say, we find that Euripides delivers his mind freely, and censures the Gods for imputing the transgressions of forefathers unto their offspring. And I am apt to believe that even they who are most silent among us do the like. For if the offenders themselves have already received their reward, then there is no reason why the innocent should be punished, since it is not equal to punish even criminals twice for the same fact. But if remiss and careless, the Gods, omitting opportunely to inflict their penalties upon the wicked, send down their tardy rigor on the blameless, they do not well to repair their defective slowness by injustice. As it is reported of Aesop, that he came upon a time to Delphi, having brought along with him a great quantity of gold which Croesus had bestowed upon him, on purpose to offer a most magnificent oblation to the Gods, and with a design moreover to distribute among the priests and the people of Delphi four minas apiece. But there happening some disgust and difference between him and the Delphians, he performed his solemnity, but sent back his money to Sardis, not deeming those ungrateful people worthy of his bounty. Upon which the Delphians, laying their heads together, accused him of sacrilege, and
Neither is Alexander applauded by those who have the greatest esteem for his memory (of which number are we ourselves), who utterly laid waste the city of Branchidae, putting men, women, and children to the sword, for that their ancestors had long before delivered up the temple of Miletus. In like manner Agathocles, tyrant of Syracuse, when the Corcyraeans requested to know the reason of him, why he depopulated their island, deriding and scoffing at their demand, replied: For no other reason, by Jove, but because your forefathers entertained Ulysses. And when the islanders of Ithaca expostulated with him, asking why his soldiers carried away their sheep; because, said he, when your king came to our island, he put out the eyes of the shepherd himself. And therefore do you not think Apollo more extravagant than all these, for punishing
and all this to punish the lasciviousness of Ajax.
Now where is the reason or justice of all this? Nor is the custom of the Thracians to be approved, who to this day abuse their wives in revenge of their cruelty to Orpheus. And with as little reason are the Barbarians about the river Po to be extolled, who once a year put themselves into mourning for the misfortune of Phaethon. And still more ridiculous than all this it would certainly be, when all those people that lived at the time took no notice of Phaethon’s mischance, that they, who happened to be born five or ten generations after, should be so idle as to take up the custom of going into black and bewailing his downfall. However, in all these things there is nothing to be observed but mere folly; nothing pernicious, nor any thing dangerous. But as for the anger of the Gods, what reason can be given why their wrath should stop and conceal itself upon a sudden, like some certain rivers, and when all things seem to be forgot, should break forth upon others with so much fury, as not to be atoned but with some remarkable calamities?
Upon that, so soon as he had done speaking, not a little afraid lest, if he should begin again, he would run himself into many more and greater absurdities, I asked: Do you believe, sir, all that you have said to be true? Then he: Though all that I have alleged may not be true, yet if only some part may be allowed for truth, do not you think there is the same difficulty still remaining in the question? It may be so, said I. And thus it is with those who labor under a vehement burning fever; for, whether covered with one blanket or many, the heat is still the same or very little different; yet for refreshment’s sake it may be convenient sometimes to lighten the weight of the clothes; and if the patient refuse your courtesy, to let him alone. Yet I must tell you, the greatest part of these examples look like fables and fiction. Call to mind therefore the feast called Theoxenia lately celebrated, and that most noble portion which the public criers proclaim to be received as their due by the offspring of Pindar; and recollect with yourself, how majestic and grateful a mark of grandeur you look upon that to be. Truly, said he, I judge there is no man living who would not be sensible of the curiosity and elegancy of such an honor, displaying antiquity void of tincture and false glitter, after the Greek manner, unless he were such a brute that I may use the words of Pindar himself:
Therefore I forbear, said I, to mention that proclamation not much unlike to this, usually made in Sparta,—After the Lesbian singer,
—in honor and memory of the ancient Terpander. But you, on the other side, deem yourself worthy to be preferred above all the rest of the Boeotians, as being of the noble race of the Opheltiadae; and among the Phocians you claim undoubted pre-eminence, for the sake of your ancestor Daiphantus. And, for my
These, said I, are the preliminaries, which I would have you make use of against those choleric accusers and testy snarlers of whom I have given you warning. But now to take in hand once more, as it were, the first end of the bottom of thread, in this same dark discourse of the Gods, wherein there are so many windings and turnings and gloomy labyrinths, let us by degrees and with caution direct our steps to what is most likely and probable. For, even in those things which fall under our daily practice and management, we are many times at a loss to determine the undoubted and unquestioned truth. For example, what certain reason can be given for that custom amongst us, of ordering the children of parents that die of a consumption or a dropsy to sit with both their feet soaking in the water till the dead body be burnt? For people believe, that thereby the disease is prevented from becoming hereditary, and also that it is a charm to secure those children from it as long as they live. Again, what should be the reason, that if a goat take a piece of sea-holly in her mouth, the whole herd will stand still till the goat-herd come and take it out? Other hidden properties there are, which, by virtue of certain touches and transitions, pass from some bodies into others with incredible swiftness and often to incredible distances. But we are more apt to wonder at distances of time than those of space. And yet there is more reason to wonder, that Athens should be infected with an epidemic contagion taking its rise in Ethiopia, that Pericles should die and Thucydides be smitten with the infection, than that, upon the impiety of the Delphians and Sybarites, delayed vengeance should at length overtake their posterity. For these hidden powers and properties have their sacred connections and correspondences between their utmost endings and their first beginnings; of which although the causes be concealed from us, yet silently they bring to pass their proper effects.
Not but that there is a reason ready at hand for the public punishments showered down from heaven upon particular cities. For a city is a kind of entire thing and continued body, a certain sort of creature, never subject to the changes and alterations of age, nor varying through process of time from one thing to another, but always sympathizing and in unity with itself, and receiving the punishment or reward of whatever it does or has ever acted in common, so long as the community, which makes it a body and binds it together with the mutual bands of human benefit, preserves its unity. For he that goes about of one city to make many, and perhaps an infinite number, by distinguishing the intervals of time, seems to be like a person who would make several of one single man, because he is now grown elderly who before was a young man, and before that a mere stripling. Or rather, it resembles the method of disputing amongst the Epicharmians, the first authors of that manner of arguing called the increaser. For example: he that formerly ran in debt, although he never paid it, owes nothing now, as being become another man; and he that was invited yesterday to supper comes the next night an unbidden guest, for that he is quite another person. And indeed the distinctions of ages cause greater alterations in every one of us than commonly they do in cities. For he that has seen Athens may know it again thirty years after; the present manners, motions, pastimes, serious studies, their familiarities and marks of their displeasure, little or nothing differing from what formerly they were. But after a long absence there is many a man who, meeting his own familiar friend, hardly knows him again, by reason of the great alteration of his countenance and the change of his manners, which are so easily subject to the alterations of language, labor, and employment, all manner of accidents, and mutation of laws, that even they who are most usually conversant with him admire You cannot step twice into the same river,
he says. See Plat.
Now then, if a city be one entire and continued body, the same opinion is to be conceived of a race of men, depending upon one and the same beginning, and carrying along with it a certain power and communion of qualities; in regard that what is begotten cannot be thought to be severed from that which begets it, like a piece of workmanship from the artificer; the one being begotten of the person, the other framed by him. So that what is engendered is a part of the original from whence it sprung, whether meriting honor or deserving punishment. So that, were it not that I might be thought to be too sportive in a serious discourse, I would affirm, that the Athenians were more unjust to the statue of Cassander when they caused it to be melted down and defaced, and that the Syracusans were more rigorous to the dead carcass of Dionysius when they cast it forth of their own confines, than if they had punished their posterity; for that the statue did no way partake of the substance of Cassander, and the soul of Dionysius was absolutely departed from the body deceased. Whereas Nisaeus, Apollocrates, Antipater, Philip, and several others descended from wicked parents, still retained the most principal part of those who begot them, not lazily
While I was yet speaking, Olympicus interrupting me said: You seem by this discourse of yours to infer as if the soul were immortal, which is a supposition of great consequence. It is very true, said I, nor is it any more
Then Patrocleas: What oracle was this? Who was that same Corax? For both the answer itself and the person whom you mention are strangers to my remembrance. Certainly, said I, that cannot be; only it was my error which occasioned your ignorance, in making use of the addition to the name instead of the name itself. For it was Calondas, who slew Archilochus in fight, and who was surnamed Corax. He was thereupon ejected by the Pythian priestess, as one who had slain a person devoted to the Muses; but afterwards, humbling himself in prayers and supplications, intermixed with undeniable excuses of the fact, was enjoined by the oracle to repair to the habitation of Tettix, there to expiate his crime by appeasing the ghost of Archilochus. That place was called Taenarus; for there it was, as the report goes, that Tettix the Cretan, coming with a navy, landed, built a city not far from the Psychopompaeum (or place where ghosts are conjured up), and stored it with inhabitants. In like manner, when the Spartans were commanded by the oracle to atone the ghost of Pausanias, they sent for several exorcisers and conjurers out of Italy, who by virtue of their sacrifices chased the apparition out of the temple.
Therefore, said I, there is one and the same reason to confirm the providence of God and the immortality of the soul; neither is it possible to admit the one, if you deny the other. Now then, the soul surviving after the decease of the body, the inference is the stronger that it partakes of punishment and reward. For during this mortal life the soul is in continual combat like a wrestler; but after all those conflicts are at an end, she then receives according to her merits. But what the punishments and what
Bion was of opinion that God, in punishing the children of the wicked for the sins of their fathers, seems more irregular than a physician that should administer physic to a son or a grandchild, to cure the distemper of a father or a grandfather. But this comparison does not
Or can you believe but that in this particular God is wiser than Hesiod, admonishing and exhorting us in this manner:
intimating thereby, that a man was never to attempt the work of generation but in the height of a jocund and merry humor, and when he found himself as it were dissolved into jollity; as if from procreation proceeded the impressions not only of vice or virtue, but of sorrow and joy, and of all other qualities and affections whatever. However, it is not the work of human wisdom (as Hesiod supposes) but of divine providence, to foresee the sympathies
What shall I say? But even a little before we were offended at the Gods protracting and delaying the punishments of the wicked, and now we are as much displeased that they do not curb and chastise the depravities of an evil disposition before the fact committed; not considering that many times a mischief contrived for future execution may prove more dreadful than a fact already committed, and that dormant villany may be more dangerous than open and apparent iniquity; not being able to apprehend the reason wherefore it is better to bear with the unjust actions of some men, and to prevent the meditating and contrivance of mischief in others. As, in truth, we do not rightly comprehend why some remedies and physical drugs are no way convenient for those that labor under a real disease, yet wholesome and profitable for those that are seemingly in health, but yet perhaps in a worse condition than they who are sick. Whence it comes to pass, that the Gods do not always turn the transgressions of parents upon their children; but if a virtuous son happen to be the offspring of a wicked father,—as often it falls out that a sane child is born of one that is unsound and crazy,—such a one is exempted from the punishment which threatens the whole descent, as having been adopted into a virtuous family. But for a young man that treads in the footsteps of a criminal race, it is but just that he should succeed to the punishment of his ancestor’s iniquity, as one of the debts attached to his inheritance.
Having thus concluded, I held my peace; when Olympicus smiling said: We forbear as yet to give you our approbation, that we may not seem to have forgot the fable; not but that we believe your discourse to have been sufficiently made out by demonstration, only we reserve our opinion till we shall have heard the relation of that likewise. Upon which, I began again after this manner:
For when his sense first left his body, it seemed to him as if he had been some pilot flung from the helm by the force of a storm into the midst of the sea. Afterwards, rising up again above water by degrees, so soon as he thought he had fully recovered his breath, he looked about him every way, as if one eye of his soul had been open. But he beheld nothing of those things which he was wont formerly to see, only he saw stars of a vast magnitude, at an immense distance one from the other, and sending forth a light most wonderful for the brightness of its color, which shot itself out in length with an incredible force; on which the soul riding, as it were in a chariot, was most swiftly, yet as gently and smoothly, dandled from one place to another. But omitting the greatest part of the sights which he beheld, he saw, as he said, the souls of such as were newly departed, as they mounted from below, resembling little fiery bubbles, to which the air gave way. Which bubbles afterwards breaking insensibly and by degrees, the soul came forth in the shapes of men and women, light and nimble, as being discharged of all their earthly substance. However, they differed in their motion; for some of them leaped forth with a wonderful swiftness, and mounted up in a direct line; others like so many spindles of spinning-wheels turned round and round, sometimes whisking upwards, sometimes darting downwards, with a confused and mixed agitation, that could hardly be stopped in a very long time.
+Of these souls he knew not who the most part were; divine.
For thou art not in the number of the dead as yet, it said, but by a certain destiny and permission of the Gods, thou art come hither only with thy intellectual faculty, having left the rest of thy soul, like an anchor, in thy body. And that thou mayst be assured of this, observe it for a certain rule, both now and hereafter, that the souls of the deceased neither cast any shadow, neither do they open and shut their eyelids. Thespesius having heard this discourse, was so much the more encouraged to make use of his own reason; and therefore looking round about to prove the truth
Moreover, this kinsman of Thespesius (for nothing hinders but that we may call the souls by the names of the persons which they enlivened), proceeding to give a relation of several other things, informed his friend how that Adrastea, the daughter of Jupiter and Necessity, was seated in the highest place of all, to punish all manner of crimes and enormities; and that in the whole number of the wicked and ungodly, there never was any one, whether great or little, high or low, rich or poor, that ever could by force or cunning escape the severe lashes of her rigor. But as there are three sorts of punishments, so there are three several Furies, or female ministers of justice; and to every one of these belongs a peculiar office and degree of punishment. The first of these was called Speedy Punishment, who takes in charge those that are presently to receive bodily punishment in this life, which she manages after a more gentle manner, omitting the correction of many offences which need expiation. But if the cure of impiety require a greater labor, the Deity delivers them after death to Justice. But when Justice has given them over as altogether incurable, then the third and most severe of all Adrastea’s ministers, Erinnys (the Fury), takes them in hand; and after she has chased and coursed them from one place to another, flying, yet not knowing where to
Now, of all these three sorts, that which is inflicted by punishment in this life resembles the practice among the barbarians. For, as among the Persians, they take off the garments and turbans of those that are to be punished, and tear and whip them before the offender’s faces, while the criminals, with tears and lamentations, beseech the executioners to give over; so corporal punishments, and penalties by mulcts and fines, have no sharpness or severity, nor do they take hold upon the vice itself, but are inflicted for the most part only with regard to appearance and to the outward sense. But if any one comes hither that has escaped punishment while he lived upon earth and before he was well purged from his crimes, Justice takes him to task, naked as he is, with his soul displayed, as having nothing to conceal or veil his impiety; but on all sides and to all men’s eyes and every way exposed, she shows him first to his honest parents, if he had any such, to let them see how degenerate he was and unworthy of his progenitors. But if they were wicked likewise, then are their sufferings rendered yet more terrible by the mutual sight of each other’s miseries, and those for a long time inflicted, till each individual crime has been quite effaced with pains and torments as far surmounting in sharpness and severity all punishments and tortures of the flesh, as what is real and evident surpasses an idle dream. But the weals and stripes that remain after punishment appear more signal in some, in others are less evident.
+View there, said he, those various colors of souls. That same black and sordid hue is the tincture of avarice and fraud. That bloody and flame-like dye betokens cruelty, and an imbittered desire of revenge. Where you perceive
Having thus said, the spirit quickly carried Thespesius to a certain place, as it appeared to him, prodigiously spacious; yet so gently and without the least deviation, that he seemed to be borne upon the rays of the light as upon wings. Thus at length he came to a certain gaping chasm, that was fathomless downward, where he found himself deserted by that extraordinary force which brought him thither, and perceived other souls also to be there in
The spirit said, moreover, that Bacchus ascended through this overture to heaven, and afterwards returning fetched up Semele the same way; and that it was called the place of oblivion. Wherefore his kinsman would not suffer Thespesius to tarry there any longer, though very unwilling to depart, but took him away by force; informing and instructing him withal, how strangely and how suddenly the mind was subject to be softened and melted by pleasure; that the irrational and corporeal part, being watered and incarnated thereby, revives the memory of the body, and that from this remembrance proceed concupiscence and desire, exciting an appetite for a new generation and entrance into a body—which is named
At length, after he had been carried as far another way as when he was transported to the yawning overture, he
And with that, leading Thespesius nearer, the spirit endeavored to show him the light of the Tripod, which, as he said, shooting through the bosom of Themis, fell upon Parnassus; which Thespesius was desirous to see, but could not, in regard the extraordinary brightness of the light dazzled his eyes; only passing by, he heard the shrill voice of a woman speaking in verse and measure, and
After this, they passed on to behold the torments of those that were punished. And indeed at first they met with none but lamentable and dismal sights. For Thespesius, when he least suspected any such thing, and before he was aware, was got among his kindred, his acquaintance, and companions, who, groaning under the horrid pains of their cruel and ignominious punishments, with mournful cries and lamentations called him by his name. At length he saw his father ascending out of a certain abyss, all full of stripes, gashes, and scars; who stretching forth his hands—not permitted to keep silence, but constrained to confess by his tormentors—acknowledged that he had most impiously poisoned several of his guests for the sake of their gold; of which not being detected while he lived upon earth, but being convicted after his decease, he had endured part of his torments already, and now they were haling him where he should suffer more. However, he durst not either entreat or intercede for his father, such was his fear and consternation; and therefore being desirous to retire and be gone, he looked about for his kind and courteous
Nevertheless, being pushed forward by other deformed and grim-looked goblins, as if there had been some necessity for him to pass forward, he saw how that the shadows of such as had been notorious malefactors, and had been punished in this world, were not tormented so grievously nor alike to the others, in regard that only the imperfect and irrational part of the soul, which was consequently most subject to passions, was that which made them so industrious in vice. Whereas those who had shrouded a vicious and impious life under the outward profession and a gained opinion of virtue, their tormentors constrained to turn their insides outward with great difficulty and dreadful pain, and to writhe and screw themselves contrary to the course of nature, like the sea scolopenders, which, having swallowed the hook, throw forth their bowels and lick it out again. Others they flayed and scarified, to display their occult hypocrisies and latent impieties, which had possessed and corrupted the principal part of their souls. Other souls, as he said, he also saw, which being twisted two and two, three and three, or more together gnawed and devoured each other, either upon the score of old grudges and former malice they had borne one another, or else in revenge of the injuries and losses they had sustained upon earth.
+Moreover, he said, there were certain lakes that lay parallel and equidistant one from the other, the one of boiling gold, another of lead, exceeding cold, and the third of iron, which was very scaly and rugged. By the sides of these lakes stood certain Daemons, that with their instruments, like smiths or founders, put in or drew out the souls of such as had transgressed either through avarice or an eager desire of other men’s goods. For the flame of the golden furnace having rendered these souls of a fiery
The last things that he saw were the souls of such as were designed for a second
+ life. These were bowed, bent, and transformed into all sorts of creatures by
+ the force of tools and anvils and the strength of workmen appointed for that
+ purpose, that laid on without mercy, bruising the whole limbs of some,
+ breaking others, disjointing others, and pounding some to powder and
+ annihilation, on purpose
optical character recognition
- τοιαῦτα μὲν ὁ Ἐπίκουρος εἰπὼν, ὦ Κύντε,
καὶ ὁ Πατροκλέας “ἡ περὶ τὰς τιμωρίασ” εἶπε “τῶν πονηρῶν βραδυτὴς
- τοῦ δαιμονίου καὶ μέλλησις
- μέλλει, τὸ θεῖον δʼ ἐστὶ τοιοῦτον φύσει.
-
-
οὐ γὰρ ἄλλα δήπου, ταῦτα δʼ αὐτὰ τοὺς κακοὺς εἰκός ἐστιν
- ἑαυτοῖς διακελευομένους καὶ παρεγγυῶντας
-
ταῦτα τοῦ Πατροκλέου διελθόντος, ὑπολαβὼν ὁ Ὀλύμπιχος “ἐκεῖνο δʼ” εἶπεν “ὦ Πατροκλέα, πηλίκον
-
ῥηθέντων οὖν τούτων κἀμοῦ πρὸς αὑτὸν ὄντος, ὁ Τίμων “πότερον” εἶπεν “ἐπιθῶ καὶ αὐτὸς ἤδη τῷ λόγῳ τὸν κολοφῶνα τῆς ἀπορίας, ἢ
- πρὸς ταῦτʼ ἐάσω πρότερον αὐτὸν διαγωνίσασθαι;ʼ” “τί γάρ” ἔφην ἐγώ “δεῖ τὸ τρίτον ἐπενεγκεῖν κῦμα καὶ
- προσκατακλύσαι
-
“ταῦτα δʼ οὐκ ἀποδράσεως πρόφασίς ἐστιν ἀλλὰ συγγνώμης αἴτησις, ὅπως
- ὁ λόγος, οἷον εἰς λιμένα καὶ καταφυγὴν ἀποβλέπων, εὐθαρσέστερον
- ἐξαναφέρῃ τῷ πιθανῷ πρὸς τὴν ἀπορίαν. ἀλλὰ σκοπεῖτε
- πηδῶν ὁ θυμὸς τῶν φρενῶν ἀνωτέρω
- τὰ δεινὰ πράσσει
οὕτω καὶ ὁ λογισμὸς τὰ δίκαια πράττει καὶ μέτρια, τὴν ὀργὴν
- καὶ τὸν θυμὸν ἐκποδὼν θέμενος. ὅθεν ἡμεροῦνται καὶ τοῖς ἀνθρωπίνοις
- παραδείγμασιν,
-
“δεύτερον τοίνυν τοῦτο διανοηθῶμεν, ὡς αἱ μὲν δικαιώσεις αἱ παρʼ
- ἀνθρώπων μόνον ἔχουσαι
-
-
οὐδὲν γὰρ αἱ μεγάλαι φύσεις μικρὸν ἐκφέρουσιν οὐδʼ
-
“ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ταύτῃ· τὸν δʼ ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ
-
-
-
“ʽ Τὸ δʼ ἐν καιρῷ καὶ τρόπῳ τῷ προσήκοντι γενέσθαι τὰς τιμωρίας οὐ
- βέλτιον εἶναι νομίζεις
“ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μέν” ἔφην “ἡμεῖς λέγομεν, ὥσπερ ἠξίωται, γίγνεσθαί
- τινα τῆς τιμωρίας ἀναβολὴν ὑποθέμενοι τοῖς πονηροῖς· τὰ λοιπὰ δʼ
- Ἡσιόδου χρὴ νομίζειν ἀκροᾶσθαι, λέγοντος οὐχ Πλάτων βουλὴ τῷ βουλεύσαντι κακίστη·
καὶ ὃς δʼ ἄλλῳ κακὰ τεύχει, ἑῷ κακὸν ἥπατι τεύχει.
-
καίτοι τί κωλύει μηδὲ τοὺς ἐπὶ θανάτῳ καθειργνυμένους
- θύννος βολαῖος πέλαγος ὣς διαστροβεῖ.
-
-
καὶ γὰρ ὄψεις ἐνυπνίων καὶ φάσματα μεθημερινὰ καὶ χρησμοὶ καὶ
- καταιβασίαι, καὶ ὅ τι
- βαῖνε δίκης ἆσσον· μάλα τοι κακὸν ἀνδράσιν ὕβρις
-
ὥστʼ, εἰ μηδὲν ἔστι τῇ ψυχῇ μετὰ τὴν τελευτὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ χάριτος
- πέρας ἁπάσης καὶ τιμωρίας ὁ θάνατος, μᾶλλον ἄν τις εἴποι τοῖς ταχὺ
- κολαζομένοις τῶν πονηρῶν καὶ ἀποθνῄσκουσι μαλακῶς καὶ ῥαθύμως χρῆσθαι τὸ
- δαιμόνιον. καὶ γὰρ εἰ
-
-
ταῦθʼ ἑκάστου τῶν πονηρῶν εἰκὸς
“ἀλλὰ σκοπεῖτε τὸν λόγον” ἔφην “μὴ τοῦ καιροῦ πορρωτέρω
- πρόεισι” καὶ ὁ Τίμων “τυχόν
-τὰ τῶν τεκόντων σφάλματʼ εἰς τοὺς
- ἐκγόνους
τρέποντας, αἰτιᾶσθαι νόμιζε καὶ τοὺς σιωπῶντας
-
-
διὰ τὴν Αἴαντος ἀκολασίαν. ποῦ δὴ ταῦτα τὸ εὔλογον
-
ὡς δὲ πρῶτον ἐπέσχε, δείσας ἐγὼ μὴ πάλιν ἐξ ὑπαρχῆς ἐπαγάγῃ πλείονας
- καὶ μείζονας ἀτοπίας,
-
“καὶ ταῦτα μέν” ἔφην “ὥσπερ ἀντιφράγματά σοι κείσθω πρὸς τοὺς
- ἄγαν πικροὺς καὶ κατηγορικοὺς
-
“οὐ μὴν ἀλλά γε τὰ δημόσια τῶν πόλεων μηνίματα τὸν τοῦ δικαίου λόγον
- ἔχει πρόχειρον.
-
“εἰ δʼ ἐστὶ πόλις ἓν πρᾶγμα καὶ συνεχές,
-
ἔτι δʼ ἐμοῦ
“εἷς οὖν ἐστιν” ἔφην “λόγος ὁ τοῦ θεοῦ τὴν πρόνοιαν ἅμα καὶ
- τὴν διαμονὴν τῆς ἀνθρωπίνης
-
“ὁ γὰρ Βίων τὸν θεὸν κολάζοντα τοὺς παῖδας τῶν πονηρῶν γελοιότερον
- εἶναί φησιν ἰατροῦ, διὰ νόσον πάππου καὶ πατρὸς ἔκγονον ἢ παῖδα
- φαρμακεύοντος. ἔστι δὲ πῆ μὲν ἀνόμοια τὰ πράγματα πῆ δʼ ἐοικότα καὶ
- ὅμοια. νόσου μὲν γὰρ ἄλλος
-
-
ὥς φησι Πίνδαρος;
“ἢ κατὰ τοῦτο μὲν ὁ θεὸς οὐδὲν τοῦ Ἡσιόδου
-
ὡς οὐ κακίαν μόνον οὐδʼ ἀρετὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ λύπην
“ἡμεῖς δʼ ἀρτίως μὲν ἠγανακτοῦμεν ὡς ὀψὲ
-
-
ἀλλʼ ἐὰν μὲν ἐκ φαύλου γένηται χρηστός, ὥσπερ εὐεκτικὸς ἐκ
- νοσώδους, ἀφεῖται τῆς τοῦ γένους ποινῆς,
-
ἐπεὶ δὲ ταῦτʼ εἰπὼν ἐσιώπησα, διαμειδιάσας ὁ Ὀλύμπιχος “οὐκ
- ἐπαινοῦμέν σʼ” εἶπεν “ὅπως μὴ δόξωμεν ἀφιέναι τὸν μῦθον, ὡς
- τοῦ λόγου πρὸς ἀπόδειξιν ἱκανῶς ἔχοντος, ἀλλὰ τότε δώσομεν τὴν
- ἀπόφασιν, ὅταν κἀκεῖνον ἀκούσωμεν” οὕτως οὖν
-
ταῦτα δʼ εἰπὼν ἦγεν αὐτὸν ταχὺ μέν, ἄπλετον δέ τινα τόπον ὡς ἐφαίνετο
- ἐσθλὸς
- ἐὼν νούσῳ τυραννίδα λείψει.
μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα πρὸς τὴν θέαν τῶν
- κολαζομένων ἐτρέποντο. καὶ τὰ μὲν πρῶτα δυσχερεῖς καὶ οἰκτρὰς εἶχον
optical character recognition
The following text is encoded in accordance with EpiDoc standards and with the CTS/CITE Architecture
-τί οὖν;
εἶπεν ἐᾶν
- δοκεῖ τὴν ζήτησιν, ἢ τῷ λόγῳ καθάπερ παρόντος καὶ μὴ
ὑπολαβὼν δʼ ὁ
-ἀλλʼ οὐδʼ εἰ βαλών
εἶπεν ἀπηλλάγη, καλῶς
-
τί οὖν
ἔφην ἐγὼ μάλιστα κεκίνηκεν ὑμᾶς τῶν εἰρημένων; ἀθρόα
- γὰρ πολλὰ καὶ κατὰ τάξιν οὐδέν, ἄλλο δʼ ἀλλαχόθεν ὁ ἄνθρωπος
καὶ ὁ Πατροκλέας ἡ περὶ τὰς τιμωρίασ
εἶπε τῶν πονηρῶν βραδυτὴς
- τοῦ δαιμονίου καὶ μέλλησις
-
μέλλει, τὸ θεῖον δʼ ἐστὶ τοιοῦτον φύσει.
- τὸ ἀμύνασθαι
- παθεῖν
ὡς
-ὅτι ἐγγυτάτω κείμενον
εὐθὺς ἀντιφράττει τὴν
- ὁδὸν τοῖς ἐπὶ πλεῖστον εὐροούσῃ
-
-
οὐ γὰρ ἄλλα δήπου, ταῦτα δʼ αὐτὰ τοὺς κακοὺς εἰκός ἐστιν
- ἑαυτοῖς διακελευομένους καὶ παρεγγυῶντας
-
ταῦτα τοῦ Πατροκλέου διελθόντος, ὑπολαβὼν ὁ Ὀλύμπιχος ἐκεῖνο δʼ
εἶπεν ὦ Πατροκλέα, πηλίκον
-
βραδεῖ ποδί
κατʼ Εὐριπίδην
ῥηθέντων οὖν τούτων κἀμοῦ πρὸς αὑτὸν ὄντος, ὁ Τίμων πότερον
εἶπεν ἐπιθῶ καὶ αὐτὸς ἤδη τῷ λόγῳ τὸν κολοφῶνα τῆς ἀπορίας, ἢ
- πρὸς ταῦτʼ ἐάσω πρότερον αὐτὸν διαγωνίσασθαι;
τί γάρ
ἔφην ἐγώ δεῖ τὸ τρίτον ἐπενεγκεῖν κῦμα καὶ
- προσκατακλύσαι
-
ἀριστοτέχναν
ἀνακαλούμενος τὸν ἄρχοντα καὶ κύριον ἁπάντων
- θεόν, ὡς δὴ δίκης ὂντα δημιουργόν, ᾗ προσήκει τὸ πότε καὶ πῶς καὶ
- μέχρι πόσου κολαστέον ἕκαστον τῶν πονηρῶν ὁρίζειν. καὶ ταύτης φησὶ
- τῆς τέχνης ὁ Πλάτων
ταῦτα δʼ οὐκ ἀποδράσεως πρόφασίς ἐστιν ἀλλὰ συγγνώμης αἴτησις, ὅπως
- ὁ λόγος, οἷον εἰς λιμένα καὶ καταφυγὴν ἀποβλέπων, εὐθαρσέστερον
- ἐξαναφέρῃ τῷ πιθανῷ πρὸς τὴν ἀπορίαν. ἀλλὰ σκοπεῖτε
-
πηδῶν ὁ θυμὸς τῶν φρενῶν ἀνωτέρω
-ἐγγυτάτω τὸ ἀμύνασθαι τῷ παθεῖν
ὡς Θουκυδίδης τὰ δεινὰ πράσσει
οὕτω καὶ ὁ λογισμὸς τὰ δίκαια πράττει καὶ μέτρια, τὴν ὀργὴν
- καὶ τὸν θυμὸν ἐκποδὼν θέμενος. ὅθεν ἡμεροῦνται καὶ τοῖς ἀνθρωπίνοις
- παραδείγμασιν,
-εὐτυχεῖτʼ
εἶπεν ὅτι ὀργίζομαι ὑμῖν.
εἴπερ οὖν ἀνδρῶν λόγοι μνημονευόμενοι καὶ πράξεις λεγόμεναι τὸ τραχὺ
- καὶ σφοδρὸν ἀπαρύτουσι τῆς ὀργῆς,
-
δεύτερον τοίνυν τοῦτο διανοηθῶμεν, ὡς αἱ μὲν δικαιώσεις αἱ παρʼ
- ἀνθρώπων μόνον ἔχουσαι
-
-
οὐδὲν γὰρ αἱ μεγάλαι φύσεις μικρὸν ἐκφέρουσιν οὐδʼ
-
ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ταύτῃ· τὸν δʼ ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ
-
πάνυ μὲν οὖν
ἔφασαν· εἶπον οὖν ἐγώ ἐὰν
ἔφην δοκεῖ.
καὶ
-
ὁ Πατροκλέας εἶπεν. ὀρθῶσ
ἔφην. σκόπει γάρ, εἰ Διονύσιος ἐν ἀρχῇ τῆς
- τυραννίδος ἔδωκε δίκην, ὡς οὐδεὶς ἂν Ἑλλήνων ᾤκει Σικελίαν
- ἀνάστατον ὑπὸ Καρχηδονίων γενομένην, ὥσπερ οὐδʼ Ἀπολλωνίαν οὐδʼ
- Ἀνακτόριον οὐδὲ τὴν Λευκαδίων
-
-
-
ʽ Τὸ δʼ ἐν καιρῷ καὶ τρόπῳ τῷ προσήκοντι γενέσθαι τὰς τιμωρίας οὐ
- βέλτιον εἶναι νομίζεις
μὰ Δίʼ
εἶπεν ἀλλὰ δέομαι μαθεῖν
ὁ μὲν Ἀρίστων
ἔφην
-τὸν Ἐριφύλης κόσμον ἐνταῦθα κείμενον καθελὼν τῶν τυράννων διδόντων
- ἐκόμισε τῇ γυναικὶ δῶρον ὁ δʼ υἱὸς αὐτοῦ πρὸς τὴν μητέρα
- διοργισθεὶς ἔκ τινος αἰτίας ὑφῆψε τὴν οἰκίαν καὶ πάντας ἐν ταὐτῷ
ἄνθρωπε, τί παθὼν ἔργον οὕτως ἀλλόκοτον
-
οὐ γάρ
ἔφη μου πάλαι καταμαρτυροῦσιν αὗται ψευδῶς καὶ
- καταβοῶσιν ὡς ἀπεκτονότος τὸν πατέρα;
θαυμάσαντες δʼ οἱ παρόντες
- τὸν λόγον ἐμήνυσαν τῷ βασιλεῖ, καὶ τοῦ πράγματος ἐξελεγχθέντος
- ἔτισεν ὁ Βέσσος τὴν δίκην.
-
ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μέν
ἔφην ἡμεῖς λέγομεν, ὥσπερ ἠξίωται, γίγνεσθαί
- τινα τῆς τιμωρίας ἀναβολὴν ὑποθέμενοι τοῖς πονηροῖς· τὰ λοιπὰ δʼ
- Ἡσιόδου χρὴ νομίζειν ἀκροᾶσθαι, λέγοντος οὐχ Πλάτων
ἀλλʼ ἡλικιῶτιν
-ἡ γὰρ κακή
φησὶ βουλὴ τῷ βουλεύσαντι κακίστη·
καὶ ὃς δʼ ἄλλῳ κακὰ τεύχει, ἑῷ κακὸν ἥπατι τεύχει.
-
καίτοι τί κωλύει μηδὲ τοὺς ἐπὶ θανάτῳ καθειργνυμένους
- θύννος βολαῖος πέλαγος ὣς διαστροβεῖ.
-
-
καὶ γὰρ ὄψεις ἐνυπνίων καὶ φάσματα μεθημερινὰ καὶ χρησμοὶ καὶ
- καταιβασίαι, καὶ ὅ τι ἐγώ σοι τούτων αἰτία·
καὶ πάλιν τὰς θυγατέρας
- βαῖνε δίκης ἆσσον· μάλα τοι κακὸν ἀνδράσιν ὕβρις
-
ὥστʼ, εἰ μηδὲν ἔστι τῇ ψυχῇ μετὰ τὴν τελευτὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ χάριτος
- πέρας ἁπάσης καὶ τιμωρίας ὁ θάνατος, μᾶλλον ἄν τις εἴποι τοῖς ταχὺ
- κολαζομένοις τῶν πονηρῶν καὶ ἀποθνῄσκουσι μαλακῶς καὶ ῥαθύμως χρῆσθαι τὸ
- δαιμόνιον. καὶ γὰρ εἰ
-φεῦ τῆς ἐμῆς κακίας, ὃς διʼ ἡδονὴν οὕτω βραχεῖαν
- ἐστέρημαι βασιλείας τηλικαύτης.
καίτοι γε πρὸς φυσικὴν πάθους
- ἀνάγκην
-
-
ταῦθʼ ἑκάστου τῶν πονηρῶν εἰκὸς
ἀλλὰ σκοπεῖτε τὸν λόγον
ἔφην μὴ τοῦ καιροῦ πορρωτέρω
- πρόεισι
καὶ ὁ Τίμων τυχόν
-
ἔφη πρὸς τὸ μέλλον καὶ τὸ λειπόμενον αὐτῷ μῆκος ἤδη γὰρ
- ὥσπερ ἔφεδρον ἀνίστημι τὴν τελευταίαν ἀπορίαν, ἐπεὶ ταῖς πρώταις
- διηγώνισται μετρίως. ἃ γὰρ Εὐριπίδης
τὰ τῶν τεκόντων σφάλματʼ εἰς τοὺς
- ἐκγόνους
τρέποντας, αἰτιᾶσθαι νόμιζε καὶ τοὺς σιωπῶντας
-ὅτι νὴ
- Δίʼ
εἶπεν οἱ
-
καὶ τῶν
- Ἰθακησίων ὁμοίως ἐγκαλούντων ὅτι πρόβατα λαμβάνουσιν αὐτῶν οἱ
- στρατιῶται, ὁ δʼ ὑμέτεροσ
ἔφη
-βασιλεὺς ἐλθὼν πρὸς ἡμᾶς καὶ τὸν ποιμένα προσεξετύφλωσεν
ἆρʼ
- οὖν οὐκ ἀτοπώτερος τούτων ὁ Ἀπόλλων, εἰ Φενεάτας ἀπόλλυσι τοὺς
- νῦν, ἐμφράξας τὸ βάραθρον καὶ κατακλύσας τὴν χώραν ἅπασαν αὐτῶν,
- ὅτι πρὸ χιλίων ἐτῶν, ὥς φασιν, ὁ Ἡρακλῆς
-
-
διὰ τὴν Αἴαντος ἀκολασίαν. ποῦ δὴ ταῦτα τὸ εὔλογον
-
ὡς δὲ πρῶτον ἐπέσχε, δείσας ἐγὼ μὴ πάλιν ἐξ ὑπαρχῆς ἐπαγάγῃ πλείονας
- καὶ μείζονας ἀτοπίας,
-εἶεν
ἔφην, ταῦτα γὰρ πάντα
-
κἀκεῖνος εἰ δὲ μὴ
- πάντʼ
εἶπεν ἀλλʼ ἔνια, τὴν αὐτὴν ἀπορίαν ἔχειν οὐ νομίζεις
- τὸν λόγον;
ἴσωσ
ἔφην ἐγὼ καὶ τοῖς σφόδρα πυρέττουσιν, ἐάν θʼ ἓν
- ἱμάτιον ἐάν τε πολλὰ περιβεβλημένοι τυγχάνωσι, ταὐτὸ καῦμα καὶ
- παραπλήσιον, ὅμως δʼ
-
τίς δʼ οὐκ ἄν
εἶπεν ἡσθείη τῇ χάριτι τῆς τιμῆς οὕτως
- Ἑλληνικῶς καὶ ἀφελῶς ἀρχαϊζούσης, εἰ μὴ
μέλαιναν καρδίαν κεχάλκευται ψυχρᾷ φλογί κατʼ αὐτὸν τὸν
- Πίνδαρον;
ἐῶ τοίνυν
ἔφην ὅμοιον ἐν Σπάρτῃ κήρυγμα τούτῳ τὸ
μετὰ
- Λέσβιον ᾠδόν
ἐπὶ τιμῇ καὶ μνήμῃ Τερπάνδρου τοῦ παλαιοῦ
- κηρυττόμενον
-καλοῦ γʼ
εἶπεν
-ἡμᾶς ἀγῶνος καὶ φιλοσοφίᾳ μάλα πρέποντος ἀνέμνησας.
ἄφες οὖν
εἶπον ὦ τᾶν, τὸ σφοδρὸν τοῦτο
-
καὶ ταῦτα μέν
ἔφην ὥσπερ ἀντιφράγματά σοι κείσθω πρὸς τοὺς
- ἄγαν πικροὺς καὶ κατηγορικοὺς
-
οὐ μὴν ἀλλά γε τὰ δημόσια τῶν πόλεων μηνίματα τὸν τοῦ δικαίου λόγον
- ἔχει πρόχειρον.
-
εἰ δʼ ἐστὶ πόλις ἓν πρᾶγμα καὶ συνεχές,
-
ἔτι δʼ ἐμοῦ ἔοικασ
ἔφη τῷ
- λόγῳ μεγάλην ὑπόθεσιν ὑποτίθεσθαι,
-
καὶ ὑμῶν γʼ
εἶπον ἐγώ διδόντων μᾶλλον δὲ δεδωκότων· ὡς γὰρ
- τοῦ θεοῦ τὸ κατʼ ἀξίαν νέμοντος ἡμῖν, ὁ λόγος ἐξ
-
κἀκεῖνος εἶτα
- δʼ
ἔφη νομίζεις ἕπεσθαι τῷ τοὺς θεοὺς ἐπιβλέπειν καὶ νέμειν
- ἕκαστα τῶν καθʼ ἡμᾶς τὸ τὰς ψυχὰς ὑπάρχειν ἢ, πάμπαν ἀφθάρτους ἢ
- χρόνον τινὰ μετὰ τὴν τελευτὴν ἐπιμενούσας;
οὔκ, ὦ γαθέ
εἶπον ἀλλὰ
καὶ ὁ Πατροκλέας τί δʼ ἦν
-
ἔφη τὸ χρησθὲν ἢ τίς ὁ Κόραξ οὗτος; ὡς ἐμοὶ καὶ τὸ πρᾶγμα
- καὶ τοὔνομα
οὐδαμῶσ
εἶπον,
-ἀλλʼ αἴτιος ἐγὼ παρωνύμῳ χρησάμενος ἀντὶ τοῦ ὀνόματος. ὁ γὰρ·
- ἀποκτείνας ἐν τῇ μάχῃ τὸν Ἀρχίλοχον ἐκαλεῖτο Καλλώνδης, ὡς
- ἔοικεν, ἦν δʼ αὐτῷ Κόραξ ἐπωνύμιον. ἐκβληθεὶς δὲ τὸ πρῶτον ὑπὸ
- τῆς Πυθίας ὡς ἱερὸν ἄνδρα τῶν Μουσῶν ἀνῃρηκώς, εἶτα
-
εἷς οὖν ἐστιν
ἔφην λόγος ὁ τοῦ θεοῦ τὴν πρόνοιαν ἅμα καὶ
- τὴν διαμονὴν τῆς ἀνθρωπίνης
-
μηδαμῶσ
εἶπεν ὁ Ὀλύμπιχος ἀλλὰ δίελθε κἀκεῖνον
τὰ δʼ
- αὐτὰ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων δεομένων, ἐάσατʼ
εἶπον ἀποδοῦναί με τῷ
- λόγῳ τὸ εἰκός· ὕστερον δὲ τὸν μῦθον, ἐὰν δόξῃ, κινήσομεν, εἴ γε
- δὴ μῦθός ἐστιν.
-
ὁ γὰρ Βίων τὸν θεὸν κολάζοντα τοὺς παῖδας τῶν πονηρῶν γελοιότερον
- εἶναί φησιν ἰατροῦ, διὰ νόσον πάππου καὶ πατρὸς ἔκγονον ἢ παῖδα
- φαρμακεύοντος. ἔστι δὲ πῆ μὲν ἀνόμοια τὰ πράγματα πῆ δʼ ἐοικότα καὶ
- ὅμοια. νόσου μὲν γὰρ ἄλλος
-
πάνυ μὲν οὖν
-
ἔφασαν. οὐ τοίνυν ἄτοπον
εἶπον ἀλλʼ ἀναγκαῖον, οὐδὲ
- γελοῖον ἀλλʼ ὠφέλιμον πρᾶγμα ποιοῦμεν, ἐπιληπτικῶν
-
-
ὥς φησι Πίνδαρος;
ἢ κατὰ τοῦτο μὲν ὁ θεὸς οὐδὲν τοῦ Ἡσιόδου
-
ὡς οὐ κακίαν μόνον οὐδʼ ἀρετὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ λύπην
ἡμεῖς δʼ ἀρτίως μὲν ἠγανακτοῦμεν ὡς ὀψὲ
-
-
ἀλλʼ ἐὰν μὲν ἐκ φαύλου γένηται χρηστός, ὥσπερ εὐεκτικὸς ἐκ
- νοσώδους, ἀφεῖται τῆς τοῦ γένους ποινῆς,
-
ἐπεὶ δὲ ταῦτʼ εἰπὼν ἐσιώπησα, διαμειδιάσας ὁ Ὀλύμπιχος οὐκ
- ἐπαινοῦμέν σʼ
εἶπεν ὅπως μὴ δόξωμεν ἀφιέναι τὸν μῦθον, ὡς
- τοῦ λόγου πρὸς ἀπόδειξιν ἱκανῶς ἔχοντος, ἀλλὰ τότε δώσομεν τὴν
- ἀπόφασιν, ὅταν κἀκεῖνον ἀκούσωμεν
οὕτως οὖν
-χαῖρε, Θεσπέσιε.
θαυμάσαντος
-πρότερόν
- γε
φάναι τὸ δʼ ἀπὸ τοῦδε Θεσπέσιος. οὐδὲ γάρ τοι τέθνηκας,
- ἀλλὰ μοίρᾳ τινὶ θεῶν ἥκεις δεῦρο τῷ φρονοῦντι· τὴν δʼ ἄλλην
ταῦτʼ ἀκούσας ὁ Θεσπέσιος ἤδη τε μᾶλλον ἑαυτὸν
- τῷ λογίζεσθαι συνήγαγε, καὶ διαβλέψας εἶδεν ἑαυτῷ μέν τινα
- συναιωρουμένην ἀμυδρὰν καὶ
-τῶν δʼ ἄλλων
ἔφη δικαιώσεων ἡ μὲν ὑπὸ τῆς Ποινῆς; ἐν τῷ
- βίῳ
εἶπε τὰ ποικίλα ταῦτα καὶ παντοδαπὰ χρώματα τῶν ψυχῶν· τὸ μὲν ὄρφνιον
- καὶ ῥυπαρόν, ἀνελευθερίας ἀλοιφὴν καὶ πλεονεξίας, τὸ δʼ αἱματωπὸν καὶ
- διάπυρον, ὠμότητος καὶ πικρίας ὅπου δὲ τὸ γλαύκινόν ἐστιν, ἐντεῦθεν
- ἀκρασία τις περὶ ἡδονὰς
-
ταῦτα δʼ εἰπὼν ἦγεν αὐτὸν ταχὺ μέν, ἄπλετον δέ τινα τόπον ὡς ἐφαίνετο
-ἀλλὰ
- τοῦτο μέν
ἔφη νυκτὸς
-
εἶπεν οὐδὲ κατιδεῖν ἔσῃ δυνατός
- ἀνωτέρω γὰρ οὐκ ἐπιδίδωσιν οὐδὲ χαλᾷ τὸ τῆς ψυχῆς ἐπίγειον ἀλλὰ
- κατατείνει τῷ σώματι προσηρτημένον
ἅμα δʼ ἐπειρᾶτο προσάγων
- ἐπιδεικνύειν αὐτῷ τὸ φῶς ἐκ
- ἐσθλὸς
- ἐὼν νούσῳ τυραννίδα λείψει.
μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα πρὸς τὴν θέαν τῶν
- κολαζομένων ἐτρέποντο. καὶ τὰ μὲν πρῶτα δυσχερεῖς καὶ οἰκτρὰς εἶχον δεῦρο δή
εἰπεῖν οὗτος, ὅπως ἕκαστα μᾶλλον μνημονεύσῃς.
καί τι ῥαβδίον,
- ὥσπερ οἱ ζωγράφοι, διάπυρον προσάγειν, ἑτέραν δὲ κωλύειν. αὐτὸν δʼ
- ὥσπερ ὑπὸ
τί οὖν;
εἶπεν ἐᾶν δοκεῖ τὴν ζήτησιν, ἢ τῷ λόγῳ καθάπερ παρόντος καὶ μὴ
ὑπολαβὼν δʼ ὁ ἀλλʼ οὐδʼ εἰ βαλών
εἶπεν ἀπηλλάγη, καλῶς
τί οὖν
ἔφην ἐγὼ μάλιστα κεκίνηκεν ὑμᾶς τῶν εἰρημένων; ἀθρόα γὰρ πολλὰ καὶ κατὰ τάξιν οὐδέν, ἄλλο δʼ ἀλλαχόθεν ὁ ἄνθρωπος
καὶ ὁ Πατροκλέας ἡ περὶ τὰς τιμωρίας
εἶπε τῶν πονηρῶν βραδυτὴς τοῦ δαιμονίου καὶ μέλλησις
μέλλει, τὸ θεῖον δʼ ἐστὶ τοιοῦτον φύσει.
τὸ ἀμύνασθαι παθεῖν
ὡς ὅτι ἐγγυτάτω κείμενον
εὐθὺς ἀντιφράττει τὴν ὁδὸν τοῖς ἐπὶ πλεῖστον εὐροούσῃ
οὐ γὰρ ἄλλα δήπου, ταῦτα δʼ αὐτὰ τοὺς κακοὺς εἰκός ἐστιν ἑαυτοῖς διακελευομένους καὶ παρεγγυῶντας
ταῦτα τοῦ Πατροκλέου διελθόντος, ὑπολαβὼν ὁ Ὀλύμπιχος ἐκεῖνο δʼ
εἶπεν ὦ Πατροκλέα, πηλίκον
βραδεῖ ποδί
κατʼ Εὐριπίδην
ῥηθέντων οὖν τούτων κἀμοῦ πρὸς αὑτὸν ὄντος, ὁ Τίμων πότερον
εἶπεν ἐπιθῶ καὶ αὐτὸς ἤδη τῷ λόγῳ τὸν κολοφῶνα τῆς ἀπορίας, ἢ πρὸς ταῦτʼ ἐάσω πρότερον αὐτὸν διαγωνίσασθαι;
τί γάρ
ἔφην ἐγώ δεῖ τὸ τρίτον ἐπενεγκεῖν κῦμα καὶ προσκατακλύσαι
ἀριστοτέχναν
ἀνακαλούμενος τὸν ἄρχοντα καὶ κύριον ἁπάντων θεόν, ὡς δὴ δίκης ὂντα δημιουργόν, ᾗ προσήκει τὸ πότε καὶ πῶς καὶ μέχρι πόσου κολαστέον ἕκαστον τῶν πονηρῶν ὁρίζειν. καὶ ταύτης φησὶ τῆς τέχνης ὁ Πλάτων
ταῦτα δʼ οὐκ ἀποδράσεως πρόφασίς ἐστιν ἀλλὰ συγγνώμης αἴτησις, ὅπως ὁ λόγος, οἷον εἰς λιμένα καὶ καταφυγὴν ἀποβλέπων, εὐθαρσέστερον ἐξαναφέρῃ τῷ πιθανῷ πρὸς τὴν ἀπορίαν. ἀλλὰ σκοπεῖτε
πηδῶν ὁ θυμὸς τῶν φρενῶν ἀνωτέρω
ἐγγυτάτω τὸ ἀμύνασθαι τῷ παθεῖν
ὡς Θουκυδίδης τὰ δεινὰ πράσσει
οὕτω καὶ ὁ λογισμὸς τὰ δίκαια πράττει καὶ μέτρια, τὴν ὀργὴν καὶ τὸν θυμὸν ἐκποδὼν θέμενος. ὅθεν ἡμεροῦνται καὶ τοῖς ἀνθρωπίνοις παραδείγμασιν, εὐτυχεῖτʼ
εἶπεν ὅτι ὀργίζομαι ὑμῖν.
εἴπερ οὖν ἀνδρῶν λόγοι μνημονευόμενοι καὶ πράξεις λεγόμεναι τὸ τραχὺ καὶ σφοδρὸν ἀπαρύτουσι τῆς ὀργῆς,
δεύτερον τοίνυν τοῦτο διανοηθῶμεν, ὡς αἱ μὲν δικαιώσεις αἱ παρʼ ἀνθρώπων μόνον ἔχουσαι
οὐδὲν γὰρ αἱ μεγάλαι φύσεις μικρὸν ἐκφέρουσιν οὐδʼ
ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ταύτῃ· τὸν δʼ ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ
πάνυ μὲν οὖν
ἔφασαν· εἶπον οὖν ἐγώ ἐὰν
ἔφην δοκεῖ.
καὶ
ὁ Πατροκλέας εἶπεν. ὀρθῶς
ἔφην. σκόπει γάρ, εἰ Διονύσιος ἐν ἀρχῇ τῆς τυραννίδος ἔδωκε δίκην, ὡς οὐδεὶς ἂν Ἑλλήνων ᾤκει Σικελίαν ἀνάστατον ὑπὸ Καρχηδονίων γενομένην, ὥσπερ οὐδʼ Ἀπολλωνίαν οὐδʼ Ἀνακτόριον οὐδὲ τὴν Λευκαδίων
ʽ Τὸ δʼ ἐν καιρῷ καὶ τρόπῳ τῷ προσήκοντι γενέσθαι τὰς τιμωρίας οὐ βέλτιον εἶναι νομίζεις
μὰ Δίʼ
εἶπεν ἀλλὰ δέομαι μαθεῖν
ὁ μὲν Ἀρίστων
ἔφην τὸν Ἐριφύλης κόσμον ἐνταῦθα κείμενον καθελὼν τῶν τυράννων διδόντων ἐκόμισε τῇ γυναικὶ δῶρον ὁ δʼ υἱὸς αὐτοῦ πρὸς τὴν μητέρα διοργισθεὶς ἔκ τινος αἰτίας ὑφῆψε τὴν οἰκίαν καὶ πάντας ἐν ταὐτῷ
ἄνθρωπε, τί παθὼν ἔργον οὕτως ἀλλόκοτον
οὐ γάρ
ἔφη μου πάλαι καταμαρτυροῦσιν αὗται ψευδῶς καὶ καταβοῶσιν ὡς ἀπεκτονότος τὸν πατέρα;
θαυμάσαντες δʼ οἱ παρόντες τὸν λόγον ἐμήνυσαν τῷ βασιλεῖ, καὶ τοῦ πράγματος ἐξελεγχθέντος ἔτισεν ὁ Βέσσος τὴν δίκην.
ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μέν
ἔφην ἡμεῖς λέγομεν, ὥσπερ ἠξίωται, γίγνεσθαί τινα τῆς τιμωρίας ἀναβολὴν ὑποθέμενοι τοῖς πονηροῖς· τὰ λοιπὰ δʼ Ἡσιόδου χρὴ νομίζειν ἀκροᾶσθαι, λέγοντος οὐχ Πλάτων
ἀλλʼ ἡλικιῶτιν ἡ γὰρ κακή
φησὶ βουλὴ τῷ βουλεύσαντι κακίστη·
καὶ ὃς δʼ ἄλλῳ κακὰ τεύχει, ἑῷ κακὸν ἥπατι τεύχει.
καίτοι τί κωλύει μηδὲ τοὺς ἐπὶ θανάτῳ καθειργνυμένους θύννος βολαῖος πέλαγος ὣς διαστροβεῖ.
καὶ γὰρ ὄψεις ἐνυπνίων καὶ φάσματα μεθημερινὰ καὶ χρησμοὶ καὶ καταιβασίαι, καὶ ὅ τι ἐγώ σοι τούτων αἰτία·
καὶ πάλιν τὰς θυγατέρας βαῖνε δίκης ἆσσον· μάλα τοι κακὸν ἀνδράσιν ὕβρις
ὥστʼ, εἰ μηδὲν ἔστι τῇ ψυχῇ μετὰ τὴν τελευτὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ χάριτος πέρας ἁπάσης καὶ τιμωρίας ὁ θάνατος, μᾶλλον ἄν τις εἴποι τοῖς ταχὺ κολαζομένοις τῶν πονηρῶν καὶ ἀποθνῄσκουσι μαλακῶς καὶ ῥαθύμως χρῆσθαι τὸ δαιμόνιον. καὶ γὰρ εἰ φεῦ τῆς ἐμῆς κακίας, ὃς διʼ ἡδονὴν οὕτω βραχεῖαν ἐστέρημαι βασιλείας τηλικαύτης.
καίτοι γε πρὸς φυσικὴν πάθους ἀνάγκην
ταῦθʼ ἑκάστου τῶν πονηρῶν εἰκὸς
ἀλλὰ σκοπεῖτε τὸν λόγον
ἔφην μὴ τοῦ καιροῦ πορρωτέρω πρόεισι
καὶ ὁ Τίμων τυχόν
ἔφη πρὸς τὸ μέλλον καὶ τὸ λειπόμενον αὐτῷ μῆκος ἤδη γὰρ ὥσπερ ἔφεδρον ἀνίστημι τὴν τελευταίαν ἀπορίαν, ἐπεὶ ταῖς πρώταις διηγώνισται μετρίως. ἃ γὰρ Εὐριπίδης
τὰ τῶν τεκόντων σφάλματʼ εἰς τοὺς ἐκγόνους
τρέποντας, αἰτιᾶσθαι νόμιζε καὶ τοὺς σιωπῶντας ὅτι νὴ Δίʼ
εἶπεν οἱ
καὶ τῶν Ἰθακησίων ὁμοίως ἐγκαλούντων ὅτι πρόβατα λαμβάνουσιν αὐτῶν οἱ στρατιῶται, ὁ δʼ ὑμέτερος
ἔφη βασιλεὺς ἐλθὼν πρὸς ἡμᾶς καὶ τὸν ποιμένα προσεξετύφλωσεν
ἆρʼ οὖν οὐκ ἀτοπώτερος τούτων ὁ Ἀπόλλων, εἰ Φενεάτας ἀπόλλυσι τοὺς νῦν, ἐμφράξας τὸ βάραθρον καὶ κατακλύσας τὴν χώραν ἅπασαν αὐτῶν, ὅτι πρὸ χιλίων ἐτῶν, ὥς φασιν, ὁ Ἡρακλῆς
διὰ τὴν Αἴαντος ἀκολασίαν. ποῦ δὴ ταῦτα τὸ εὔλογον
ὡς δὲ πρῶτον ἐπέσχε, δείσας ἐγὼ μὴ πάλιν ἐξ ὑπαρχῆς ἐπαγάγῃ πλείονας καὶ μείζονας ἀτοπίας, εἶεν
ἔφην, ταῦτα γὰρ πάντα
κἀκεῖνος εἰ δὲ μὴ πάντʼ
εἶπεν ἀλλʼ ἔνια, τὴν αὐτὴν ἀπορίαν ἔχειν οὐ νομίζεις τὸν λόγον;
ἴσως
ἔφην ἐγὼ καὶ τοῖς σφόδρα πυρέττουσιν, ἐάν θʼ ἓν ἱμάτιον ἐάν τε πολλὰ περιβεβλημένοι τυγχάνωσι, ταὐτὸ καῦμα καὶ παραπλήσιον, ὅμως δʼ
τίς δʼ οὐκ ἄν
εἶπεν ἡσθείη τῇ χάριτι τῆς τιμῆς οὕτως Ἑλληνικῶς καὶ ἀφελῶς ἀρχαϊζούσης, εἰ μὴ
μέλαιναν καρδίαν κεχάλκευται ψυχρᾷ φλογί κατʼ αὐτὸν τὸν Πίνδαρον;
ἐῶ τοίνυν
ἔφην ὅμοιον ἐν Σπάρτῃ κήρυγμα τούτῳ τὸ
μετὰ Λέσβιον ᾠδόν
ἐπὶ τιμῇ καὶ μνήμῃ Τερπάνδρου τοῦ παλαιοῦ κηρυττόμενον καλοῦ γʼ
εἶπεν ἡμᾶς ἀγῶνος καὶ φιλοσοφίᾳ μάλα πρέποντος ἀνέμνησας.
ἄφες οὖν
εἶπον ὦ τᾶν, τὸ σφοδρὸν τοῦτο
καὶ ταῦτα μέν
ἔφην ὥσπερ ἀντιφράγματά σοι κείσθω πρὸς τοὺς ἄγαν πικροὺς καὶ κατηγορικοὺς
οὐ μὴν ἀλλά γε τὰ δημόσια τῶν πόλεων μηνίματα τὸν τοῦ δικαίου λόγον ἔχει πρόχειρον.
εἰ δʼ ἐστὶ πόλις ἓν πρᾶγμα καὶ συνεχές,
ἔτι δʼ ἐμοῦ ἔοικας
ἔφη τῷ λόγῳ μεγάλην ὑπόθεσιν ὑποτίθεσθαι,
καὶ ὑμῶν γʼ
εἶπον ἐγώ διδόντων μᾶλλον δὲ δεδωκότων· ὡς γὰρ τοῦ θεοῦ τὸ κατʼ ἀξίαν νέμοντος ἡμῖν, ὁ λόγος ἐξ
κἀκεῖνος εἶτα δʼ
ἔφη νομίζεις ἕπεσθαι τῷ τοὺς θεοὺς ἐπιβλέπειν καὶ νέμειν ἕκαστα τῶν καθʼ ἡμᾶς τὸ τὰς ψυχὰς ὑπάρχειν ἢ, πάμπαν ἀφθάρτους ἢ χρόνον τινὰ μετὰ τὴν τελευτὴν ἐπιμενούσας;
οὔκ, ὦ γαθέ
εἶπον ἀλλὰ
καὶ ὁ Πατροκλέας τί δʼ ἦν
ἔφη τὸ χρησθὲν ἢ τίς ὁ Κόραξ οὗτος; ὡς ἐμοὶ καὶ τὸ πρᾶγμα καὶ τοὔνομα
οὐδαμῶς
εἶπον, ἀλλʼ αἴτιος ἐγὼ παρωνύμῳ χρησάμενος ἀντὶ τοῦ ὀνόματος. ὁ γὰρ· ἀποκτείνας ἐν τῇ μάχῃ τὸν Ἀρχίλοχον ἐκαλεῖτο Καλλώνδης, ὡς ἔοικεν, ἦν δʼ αὐτῷ Κόραξ ἐπωνύμιον. ἐκβληθεὶς δὲ τὸ πρῶτον ὑπὸ τῆς Πυθίας ὡς ἱερὸν ἄνδρα τῶν Μουσῶν ἀνῃρηκώς, εἶτα
εἷς οὖν ἐστιν
ἔφην λόγος ὁ τοῦ θεοῦ τὴν πρόνοιαν ἅμα καὶ τὴν διαμονὴν τῆς ἀνθρωπίνης
μηδαμῶς
εἶπεν ὁ Ὀλύμπιχος ἀλλὰ δίελθε κἀκεῖνον
τὰ δʼ αὐτὰ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων δεομένων, ἐάσατʼ
εἶπον ἀποδοῦναί με τῷ λόγῳ τὸ εἰκός· ὕστερον δὲ τὸν μῦθον, ἐὰν δόξῃ, κινήσομεν, εἴ γε δὴ μῦθός ἐστιν.
ὁ γὰρ Βίων τὸν θεὸν κολάζοντα τοὺς παῖδας τῶν πονηρῶν γελοιότερον εἶναί φησιν ἰατροῦ, διὰ νόσον πάππου καὶ πατρὸς ἔκγονον ἢ παῖδα φαρμακεύοντος. ἔστι δὲ πῆ μὲν ἀνόμοια τὰ πράγματα πῆ δʼ ἐοικότα καὶ ὅμοια. νόσου μὲν γὰρ ἄλλος
πάνυ μὲν οὖν
ἔφασαν. οὐ τοίνυν ἄτοπον
εἶπον ἀλλʼ ἀναγκαῖον, οὐδὲ γελοῖον ἀλλʼ ὠφέλιμον πρᾶγμα ποιοῦμεν, ἐπιληπτικῶν
ὥς φησι Πίνδαρος;
ἢ κατὰ τοῦτο μὲν ὁ θεὸς οὐδὲν τοῦ Ἡσιόδου
ὡς οὐ κακίαν μόνον οὐδʼ ἀρετὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ λύπην
ἡμεῖς δʼ ἀρτίως μὲν ἠγανακτοῦμεν ὡς ὀψὲ
ἀλλʼ ἐὰν μὲν ἐκ φαύλου γένηται χρηστός, ὥσπερ εὐεκτικὸς ἐκ νοσώδους, ἀφεῖται τῆς τοῦ γένους ποινῆς,
ἐπεὶ δὲ ταῦτʼ εἰπὼν ἐσιώπησα, διαμειδιάσας ὁ Ὀλύμπιχος οὐκ ἐπαινοῦμέν σʼ
εἶπεν ὅπως μὴ δόξωμεν ἀφιέναι τὸν μῦθον, ὡς τοῦ λόγου πρὸς ἀπόδειξιν ἱκανῶς ἔχοντος, ἀλλὰ τότε δώσομεν τὴν ἀπόφασιν, ὅταν κἀκεῖνον ἀκούσωμεν
οὕτως οὖν χαῖρε, Θεσπέσιε.
θαυμάσαντος πρότερόν γε
φάναι τὸ δʼ ἀπὸ τοῦδε Θεσπέσιος. οὐδὲ γάρ τοι τέθνηκας, ἀλλὰ μοίρᾳ τινὶ θεῶν ἥκεις δεῦρο τῷ φρονοῦντι· τὴν δʼ ἄλλην
ταῦτʼ ἀκούσας ὁ Θεσπέσιος ἤδη τε μᾶλλον ἑαυτὸν τῷ λογίζεσθαι συνήγαγε, καὶ διαβλέψας εἶδεν ἑαυτῷ μέν τινα συναιωρουμένην ἀμυδρὰν καὶ τῶν δʼ ἄλλων
ἔφη δικαιώσεων ἡ μὲν ὑπὸ τῆς Ποινῆς; ἐν τῷ βίῳ
εἶπε τὰ ποικίλα ταῦτα καὶ παντοδαπὰ χρώματα τῶν ψυχῶν· τὸ μὲν ὄρφνιον καὶ ῥυπαρόν, ἀνελευθερίας ἀλοιφὴν καὶ πλεονεξίας, τὸ δʼ αἱματωπὸν καὶ διάπυρον, ὠμότητος καὶ πικρίας ὅπου δὲ τὸ γλαύκινόν ἐστιν, ἐντεῦθεν ἀκρασία τις περὶ ἡδονὰς
ταῦτα δʼ εἰπὼν ἦγεν αὐτὸν ταχὺ μέν, ἄπλετον δέ τινα τόπον ὡς ἐφαίνετο ἀλλὰ τοῦτο μέν
ἔφη νυκτὸς
εἶπεν οὐδὲ κατιδεῖν ἔσῃ δυνατός ἀνωτέρω γὰρ οὐκ ἐπιδίδωσιν οὐδὲ χαλᾷ τὸ τῆς ψυχῆς ἐπίγειον ἀλλὰ κατατείνει τῷ σώματι προσηρτημένον
ἅμα δʼ ἐπειρᾶτο προσάγων ἐπιδεικνύειν αὐτῷ τὸ φῶς ἐκ ἐσθλὸς ἐὼν νούσῳ τυραννίδα λείψει.
μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα πρὸς τὴν θέαν τῶν κολαζομένων ἐτρέποντο. καὶ τὰ μὲν πρῶτα δυσχερεῖς καὶ οἰκτρὰς εἶχον δεῦρο δή
εἰπεῖν οὗτος, ὅπως ἕκαστα μᾶλλον μνημονεύσῃς.
καί τι ῥαβδίον, ὥσπερ οἱ ζωγράφοι, διάπυρον προσάγειν, ἑτέραν δὲ κωλύειν. αὐτὸν δʼ ὥσπερ ὑπὸ
From whom, and for what reason the great name of Rome, so famous among mankind, was given to that city, writers are not agreed. Some say that the Pelasgians, after wandering over most of the habitable earth and subduing most of mankind, settled down on that site, and that from their
Others say that at the taking of Troy some of its people escaped, found sailing vessels, were driven by storms upon the coast of Tuscany, and came to anchor in the river Tiber; that here, while their women were perplexed and distressed at thought of the sea, one of them, who was held to be of superior birth and the greatest understanding, and whose name was Roma, proposed that they should burn the ships Others say that at the taking of Troy some of its people escaped, found sailing vessels, were driven by storms upon the coast of Tuscany, and came to anchor in the river Tiber; that here, while their women were perplexed and distressed at thought of the sea, one of them, who was held to be of superior birth and the greatest understanding, and whose name was Roma, proposed that they should burn the ships But the story which has the widest credence and the greatest number of vouchers was first published among the Greeks, in its principal details, by Diodes of Peparethus, and Fabius Pictor follows him in most points. Here again there are variations in the story, but its general outline is as follows.
The descendants of Aeneas reigned as kings in Alba, and the succession devolved at length upon two brothers, Numitor and Amulius. The descendants of Aeneas reigned as kings in Alba, and the succession devolved at length upon two brothers, Numitor and Amulius. Her name is variously given as Ilia, or Rhea, or Silvia. Not long after this, she was discovered to be with child, contrary to the established law for the Vestals. Her name is variously given as Ilia, or Rhea, or Silvia. Not long after this, she was discovered to be with child, contrary to the established law for the Vestals. Now there was a wild fig-tree hard by, which they called Ruminalis, either from Romulus, as is generally thought, or because cud-chewing, or Here, then, the babes lay, and the she-wolf of story here gave them suck, Here, then, the babes lay, and the she-wolf of story here gave them suck, They pay honours also to another Larentia, for the following reason. The keeper of the temple of Hercules, being at a loss for something to do, as it seems, proposed to the god a game of dice, with the understanding that if he won it himself, he should get some valuable present from the god; but if he lost, he would furnish the god with a bounteous repast and a lovely woman to keep him company for the night.
On these terms the dice were thrown, first for the god, then for himself, when it appeared that he had lost. Wishing to keep faith, and thinking it right to abide by the contract, he prepared a banquet for the god, and engaging Larentia, who was then in the bloom of her beauty, but not yet famous, On these terms the dice were thrown, first for the god, then for himself, when it appeared that he had lost. Wishing to keep faith, and thinking it right to abide by the contract, he prepared a banquet for the god, and engaging Larentia, who was then in the bloom of her beauty, but not yet famous, And verily it is said that the god did visit the woman, and bade her go early in the morning to the forum, salute the first man who met her, and make him her friend. She was met, accordingly, by one of the citizens who was well on in years and possessed of considerable property, but childless, and unmarried all his life, by name Tarrutius.
@@ -166,7 +166,7 @@
This man took Larentia to his bed and loved her well, and at his death left her heir to many and fair possessions, most of which she bequeathed to the people. And it is said that when she was now famous and regarded as the beloved of a god, she disappeared at the spot where the former Larentia also lies buried.
This spot is now called Velabrum, because when the river overflowed, as it often did, they used to cross it at about this point in As for the babes, they were taken up and reared by Faustulus, a swineherd of Amulius, and no man knew of it; or, as some say with a closer approach to probability, Numitor did know of it, and secretly aided the foster-parents in their task. And it is said that the boys were taken to Gabii to learn letters and the other branches of knowledge which are meet for those of noble birth.
Moreover, we are told that they were named, from
- When a quarrel arose between the herdsmen of Numitor and Amulius, When a quarrel arose between the herdsmen of Numitor and Amulius, Amulius being now dead, and matters settled in the city, the brothers were neither willing to live in Alba, unless as its rulers, nor to be its rulers while their grandfather was alive. Having therefore restored the government to him and paid fitting honours to their mother, they resolved to dwell by themselves, and to found a city in the region where, at the first, they were nourished and sustained; Amulius being now dead, and matters settled in the city, the brothers were neither willing to live in Alba, unless as its rulers, nor to be its rulers while their grandfather was alive. Having therefore restored the government to him and paid fitting honours to their mother, they resolved to dwell by themselves, and to found a city in the region where, at the first, they were nourished and sustained; But perhaps it was necessary, now that many slaves and fugitives gathered about them. either to disperse these and have no following at all, or else to dwell apart with them. For that the residents of Alba would not consent to give the fugitives the privilege of intermarriage with them, nor even receive them as fellow-citizens, is clear, in the first place, from the rape of the Sabine women, But perhaps it was necessary, now that many slaves and fugitives gathered about them. either to disperse these and have no following at all, or else to dwell apart with them. For that the residents of Alba would not consent to give the fugitives the privilege of intermarriage with them, nor even receive them as fellow-citizens, is clear, in the first place, from the rape of the Sabine women, And in the second place, when their city was first founded, they made a sanctuary of refuge for all fugitives, And in the second place, when their city was first founded, they made a sanctuary of refuge for all fugitives, But when they set out to establish their city, a dispute at once arose concerning the site. Romulus, accordingly, built Roma Quadrata (which means Agreeing to settle their quarrel by the flight of birds of omen, Agreeing to settle their quarrel by the flight of birds of omen, For it is the least harmful of all creatures, injures no grain, fruit-tree, or cattle, and lives on carrion. But it does not kill or maltreat anything that has life, and as for birds, it will not touch them even when they are dead, since they are of its own species. But eagles, owls, and hawks smite their own kind when alive, and kill them. And yet, in the words of Aeschylus:— For it is the least harmful of all creatures, injures no grain, fruit-tree, or cattle, and lives on carrion. But it does not kill or maltreat anything that has life, and as for birds, it will not touch them even when they are dead, since they are of its own species. But eagles, owls, and hawks smite their own kind when alive, and kill them. And yet, in the words of Aeschylus:— When Remus knew of the deceit, he was enraged, When Remus knew of the deceit, he was enraged, Romulus buried Remus, together with his foster-fathers, in the Remonia, Romulus buried Remus, together with his foster-fathers, in the Remonia, They call this trench, as they do the heavens, by the name of
At the present time, indeed, there is no agreement between the Roman and Greek months, but they say that the day on which Romulus founded his city was precisely the thirtieth of the month, and that on that day there was a conjunction of the sun and moon, with an eclipse, which they think was the one seen by Antimachus, the epic poet of Teos, in the third year of the sixth Olympiad. At the present time, indeed, there is no agreement between the Roman and Greek months, but they say that the day on which Romulus founded his city was precisely the thirtieth of the month, and that on that day there was a conjunction of the sun and moon, with an eclipse, which they think was the one seen by Antimachus, the epic poet of Teos, in the third year of the sixth Olympiad. And in the times of Varro the philosopher, a Roman who was most deeply versed in history, there lived Tarutius, a companion of his, who, besides being a philosopher and a mathematician, had applied himself to the art of casting nativities, in order to indulge a speculative turn of mind, and was thought to excel in it.
To this man Varro gave the problem of fixing the day and hour of the birth of Romulus, making his deductions from the conjunctions of events reported in the man’s life, just as the solutions of geometrical problems are derived; for the same science, he said, must be capable not only of foretelling a man’s life when the time of his birth is known, but also, from the given facts of his life, of hunting out the time of his birth.
This task, then Tarutius performed, and when he had taken a survey of the man’s experiences and achievements, and had brought together the time of his life, the manner of his death, and all such details, he very courageously and bravely declared that Romulus was conceived in his mother’s womb in the first year of the second Olympiad, This task, then Tarutius performed, and when he had taken a survey of the man’s experiences and achievements, and had brought together the time of his life, the manner of his death, and all such details, he very courageously and bravely declared that Romulus was conceived in his mother’s womb in the first year of the second Olympiad, and that Rome was founded by him on the ninth day of the month Pharmuthi, between the second and third hour: for it is thought that a city’s fortune, as well as that of a man, has a decisive time, which may be known by the position of the stars at its very origin. These and similar speculations will perhaps attract readers by their novelty and extravagance, rather than offend them by their fabulous character. Now the word
It was in the fourth month after the founding of the city, as Fabius writes, that the rape of the Sabine women was perpetrated. It was in the fourth month after the founding of the city, as Fabius writes, that the rape of the Sabine women was perpetrated. Some, however, simply say that since counsel is secret and unseen, it is not unreasonable that an altar to the god of counsel should be hidden underground. Some, however, simply say that since counsel is secret and unseen, it is not unreasonable that an altar to the god of counsel should be hidden underground. The signal that the time had come for the onslaught was to be his rising and folding his cloak and then throwing it round him again. Armed with swords, then, many of his followers kept their eyes intently upon him, and when the signal was given, drew their swords, rushed in with shouts, and ravished away the daughters of the Sabines, but permitted and encouraged the men themselves to escape.
Some say that only thirty maidens were seized, and that from these the Curiae Some say that only thirty maidens were seized, and that from these the Curiae As for this Hersilia, some say that she was married to Hostilius, a most eminent Roman, and others, to Romulus himself, and that she also bore him children: one daughter, Prima, so called from the order of birth, and one son only, whom Romulus named Aollius, from the great And it continues to be a custom down to the present time that the bride shall not of herself cross the threshold into her new home, but be lifted up and carried in, because the Sabine women were carried in by force, and did not go in of their own accord. And some say also that the custom of parting the bride’s hair with the head of a spear is a reminder that the first marriage was attended with war and fighting; on which topic I have spoken more fully in my
Now the Sabines were a numerous and warlike people, and dwelt in unwalled villages, thinking that it behoved them, since they were Lacedaemonians colonists, to be bold and fearless.
Nevertheless, seeing themselves bound by precious hostages, and fearing for their daughters, they sent ambassadors with reasonable and moderate demands, namely, that Romulus should give back to them their maidens, disavow his deed of violence, and then, by persuasion and legal enactment, establish a friendly relationship between the two peoples. But Romulus would not surrender the maidens, and demanded that the Sabines should allow community of marriage with the Romans, whereupon they all held long deliberations and made extensive preparations for war. But there was one exception. Acron, king of the Caeninenses, a man of courageous spirit and skilled in war, had been suspicious of the daring deeds of Romulus from the beginning, and now that this violence had been done the women, thinking him a menace to all peoples, and intolerable unless chastised, at once rose up in arms, and with a great force advanced against him. whereupon they all held long deliberations and made extensive preparations for war. But there was one exception. Acron, king of the Caeninenses, a man of courageous spirit and skilled in war, had been suspicious of the daring deeds of Romulus from the beginning, and now that this violence had been done the women, thinking him a menace to all peoples, and intolerable unless chastised, at once rose up in arms, and with a great force advanced against him. Cossus indeed, and Marcellus, already used a four-horse chariot for their entrance into the city, carrying the trophies themselves, but Dionysius Cossus indeed, and Marcellus, already used a four-horse chariot for their entrance into the city, carrying the trophies themselves, but Dionysius After the capture of the Caeninensians, while the rest of the Sabines were still busy with their preparations, the people of Fidenae, Crustumerium, and Antemnae banded together against the Romans, After the capture of the Caeninensians, while the rest of the Sabines were still busy with their preparations, the people of Fidenae, Crustumerium, and Antemnae banded together against the Romans, The citadel thus occupied by the Sabines, The citadel thus occupied by the Sabines, Curtius, a conspicuous man among them, eager for glory and high design, was advancing on horseback far in front of the rest, when his horse sank in the gulf of mud. For some time he tried to drive him out, with blows and cries of encouragement, but since it was impossible, he abandoned his horse and saved himself. Accordingly, the place to this day is called from him
This man, they say, was husband of Hersilia This man, they say, was husband of Hersilia But presently Romulus, recovering from his blow, wished to stem the tide of fugitives and renew the battle, and called upon them with a loud voice to stand and fight. But as the waves of flight encompassed him and no man dared to face about, he stretched his hands towards heaven and prayed Jupiter to stay his army and not suffer the Roman cause to fall, but to restore it.
No sooner was his prayer ended than many stopped out of reverence for their king, and courage returned to the fugitives. They made their first stand, then, where now is the temple of Jupiter Stator, which epithet might be interpreted as No sooner was his prayer ended than many stopped out of reverence for their king, and courage returned to the fugitives. They made their first stand, then, where now is the temple of Jupiter Stator, which epithet might be interpreted as Here, as they were preparing to renew the battle, they were checked by a sight that was wonderful to behold and a spectacle that passes description. Here, as they were preparing to renew the battle, they were checked by a sight that was wonderful to behold and a spectacle that passes description. Meanwhile the women brought their husbands and their children and presented them to their fathers and brothers; they also carried food and drink to those that wanted, and bore the wounded to their homes for tender nursing; here they also made it evident that they were mistresses of their own households, and that their husbands were attentive to them and showed them all honour with good will.
Thereupon agreements were made that such women as wished to do so might continue to live with their husbands, exempt, as aforesaid, Thereupon agreements were made that such women as wished to do so might continue to live with their husbands, exempt, as aforesaid, The city thus doubled in its numbers, a hundred of the Sabines were added by election to the Patricii, The city thus doubled in its numbers, a hundred of the Sabines were added by election to the Patricii, That these bodies were three in number, their very name testifies, for to this day they call them That these bodies were three in number, their very name testifies, for to this day they call them The two kings did not at once hold council in common with one another, but each at first sat with his own hundred councillors apart, then afterwards they united them all into one body, as at the present time. Tatius dwelt where now is the temple of Moneta, and Romulus beside the so-called Steps of Fair Shore; The two kings did not at once hold council in common with one another, but each at first sat with his own hundred councillors apart, then afterwards they united them all into one body, as at the present time. Tatius dwelt where now is the temple of Moneta, and Romulus beside the so-called Steps of Fair Shore; There also, it is said, grew the sacred cornel-tree, of which the following tale is told. Romulus, once, in trial of his strength, cast thither from the Aventine hill a spear, the shaft of which was made of cornel-wood; the head of the spear sank deep into the ground, and no one had strength to pull it up, though many tried, but the earth, which was fertile, cherished the wooden shaft, and sent up shoots from it, and produced a cornel-trunk of good size. Those who came after Romulus preserved this with religious care as one of the most sacred objects, and walled it in.
@@ -547,31 +547,31 @@
The Sabines, then, adopted the Roman months, about which I have written sufficiently in my Life of Numa. The Sabines, then, adopted the Roman months, about which I have written sufficiently in my Life of Numa. This Carmenta is thought by some to be a Fate presiding over human birth, and for this reason she is honoured by mothers. Others, however, say that the wife of Evander the Arcadian, This Carmenta is thought by some to be a Fate presiding over human birth, and for this reason she is honoured by mothers. Others, however, say that the wife of Evander the Arcadian, Of the Parilia I have spoken before. Of the Parilia I have spoken before. Indeed, this meaning of the name is commonly accepted; for it can be connected with the she-wolf of story. And besides, we see that the Luperci Indeed, this meaning of the name is commonly accepted; for it can be connected with the she-wolf of story. And besides, we see that the Luperci The youths must laugh after their foreheads are wiped. After this they cut the goats’ skins into
strips and run about, with nothing on but a girdle, striking all who
- meet them with the thongs, since the Greeks, in their rites of purification, carry forth puppies for burial, and in many places make use of the rites called
It is said also that Romulus first introduced the consecration of fire, and appointed holy virgins to guard it, called Vestals. Others attribute this institution to Numa, It is said also that Romulus first introduced the consecration of fire, and appointed holy virgins to guard it, called Vestals. Others attribute this institution to Numa, This staff, which was carefully preserved on the Palatine, is said to have disappeared when the city was taken at the time of the Gallic invasion; afterwards, however, when the Barbarians had been expelled, it was found under deep ashes unharmed by the fire, although everything about it was completely destroyed. This staff, which was carefully preserved on the Palatine, is said to have disappeared when the city was taken at the time of the Gallic invasion; afterwards, however, when the Barbarians had been expelled, it was found under deep ashes unharmed by the fire, although everything about it was completely destroyed. In the fifth year of the reign of Tatius, some retainers and kinsmen of his, falling in with ambassadors from Laurentum on their way to Rome, attempted to rob them of their money, In the fifth year of the reign of Tatius, some retainers and kinsmen of his, falling in with ambassadors from Laurentum on their way to Rome, attempted to rob them of their money, Romulus was held in reverence also by many foreign peoples, and the earlier Latins sent ambassadors and established friendship and alliance with him. Fidenae, a neighbouring city to Rome, he took, Romulus was held in reverence also by many foreign peoples, and the earlier Latins sent ambassadors and established friendship and alliance with him. Fidenae, a neighbouring city to Rome, he took, The Roman state thus gathering strength, its weaker neighbours submitted to it, and were satisfied to be let alone; but the powerful ones, out of fear and jealousy, thought they ought not to tolerate, but resist and check the growing power of Romulus. And of the Tuscans, the people of Veii, who possessed much territory and dwelt in a great city, were the first to begin war The Roman state thus gathering strength, its weaker neighbours submitted to it, and were satisfied to be let alone; but the powerful ones, out of fear and jealousy, thought they ought not to tolerate, but resist and check the growing power of Romulus. And of the Tuscans, the people of Veii, who possessed much territory and dwelt in a great city, were the first to begin war This was the last war waged by Romulus. Afterwards, like many, nay, like almost all men who have been lifted by great and unexpected strokes of good fortune to power and dignity, even he was emboldened by his achievements to take on a haughtier hearing to renounce his popular ways, and to change to the ways of a monarch, which were made hateful and vexatious first by the state which he assumed.
For he dressed in a scarlet tunic, and wore over it a toga bordered with purple, and sat on a recumbent throne when he gave audience. And he had always about him some young men called Celeres, from their For he dressed in a scarlet tunic, and wore over it a toga bordered with purple, and sat on a recumbent throne when he gave audience. And he had always about him some young men called Celeres, from their And yet Scipio’s dead body lay exposed for all to see, and all who beheld it formed therefrom some suspicion and conjecture of what had happened to it; whereas Romulus disappeared suddenly, and no portion of his body or fragment of his clothing remained to be seen. But some conjectured that the senators, convened in the temple of Vulcan, fell upon him and slew him, then cut his body in pieces, put each a portion into the folds of his robe, and so carried it away.
Others think that it was neither in the temple of Vulcan nor when the senators alone were present that he disappeared, but that he was holding an assembly of the people outside the city near the so-called Goat’s Marsh, Others think that it was neither in the temple of Vulcan nor when the senators alone were present that he disappeared, but that he was holding an assembly of the people outside the city near the so-called Goat’s Marsh, At this pass, then, it is said that one of the patricians, a man of noblest birth, and of the most reputable character, a trusted and intimate friend also of Romulus himself, and one of the colonists from Alba, Julius Proculus by name, At this pass, then, it is said that one of the patricians, a man of noblest birth, and of the most reputable character, a trusted and intimate friend also of Romulus himself, and one of the colonists from Alba, Julius Proculus by name, Now this is like the fables which the Greeks tell about Aristeas of Proconnesus Now this is like the fables which the Greeks tell about Aristeas of Proconnesus It is said also that the body of Alcmene disappeared, as they were carrying her forth for burial, and a stone was seen lying on the bier instead. In short, many such fables are told by writers who improbably ascribe divinity to the mortal features in human nature, as well as to the divine.
- At any rate, to reject entirely the divinity of human virtue, were impious and base; but to mix heaven with earth is foolish. Let us therefore take the safe course and grant, with Pindar, Yes, it comes from them, and to them it returns, not with its body, but only when it is most completely separated and set free from the body, and becomes altogether pure, fleshless, and undefiled. For
- We must not, therefore, violate nature by sending the bodies of good men with their souls to heaven, but implicitly believe that their virtues and their souls, in accordance with nature and divine justice, ascend from men to heroes, from heroes to demi-gods, and from demi-gods, after they have been made pure and holy, as in the final rites of initiation, and have freed themselves from mortality and sense, to gods, not by civic law, but in very truth and according to right reason, thus achieving the fairest and most blessed consummation. Now the stratagem was this, that they should send to the enemy Philotis herself, and with her other comely serving-maids arrayed like free-born women; then in the night Philotis was to display a signal-fire, at which the Romans were to come in arms and deal with their enemies while asleep. This was done, with the approval of the Latins, and Philotis displayed the signal-fire from a certain wild fig-tree, screening it behind with coverlets and draperies, so that its light was unseen by the enemy, but visible to the Romans.
When, accordingly, they beheld it, they sallied forth at once in great haste, and because of their haste calling upon one another many times at the gates. They fell upon their enemies when they least expected it and mastered them, and now celebrate this festival in memory of their victory. And the Nones on which it falls are called Capratine from the Such, then, are the memorable things about Romulus and Theseus which I have been able to learn. And it appears, first of all, that Theseus, of his own choice, when no one compelled him, but when it was possible for him to reign without fear at Troezen as heir to no inglorious realm, of his own accord reached out after great achievements; whereas Romulus, to escape present servitude and impending punishment, became simply Such, then, are the memorable things about Romulus and Theseus which I have been able to learn. And it appears, first of all, that Theseus, of his own choice, when no one compelled him, but when it was possible for him to reign without fear at Troezen as heir to no inglorious realm, of his own accord reached out after great achievements; whereas Romulus, to escape present servitude and impending punishment, became simply In the second place, the chief deed of Romulus was the slaying of a single tyrant of Alba; whereas for mere by-adventures and preliminary struggles Theseus had Sciron, Sinis, Procrustes, and Corynetes, by slaying and chastising whom he freed Greece from dreadful tyrants before those who were saved by him knew who he was. Theseus might have travelled to Athens by sea without any trouble, and suffering no outrage at the hands of those robbers; whereas Romulus could not be without trouble while Amulius lived. And there is strong proof of this; for Theseus, although he had suffered no wrong at their hands himself, sallied out in behalf of others against those miscreants; while Romulus and Remus, as long as they themselves were not harmed by the tyrant, suffered him to wrong everybody else. And surely, if it was a great thing for Romulus to be wounded in a battle with the Sabines, and to slay Acron, and to conquer many enemies in battle, with these exploits we may compare, on the part of Theseus, his battle with the Centaurs and his campaign against the Amazons; but as for the daring which he showed about the Cretan tribute, whether that was food for some monster, or a sacrifice on the tomb of Androgeos, or whether—and this is the mildest form of the story— he offered himself for inglorious and dishonourable servitude among insolent and cruel men when he volunteered to sail away with maidens and young boys, words cannot depict such courage, magnanimity, righteous zeal for the common good, or yearning for glory and virtue. It is therefore my opinion that the philosopers It is therefore my opinion that the philosopers Concerning Lycurgus the lawgiver, in general, nothing can be said which is not disputed, since indeed there are different accounts of his birth, his travels, his death, and above all, of his work as lawmaker and statesman; and there is least agreement among historians as to the times in which the man lived. Some say that he flourished at the same time with Iphitus, and in concert with him established the Olympic truce. Among these is Aristotle the philosopher, and he alleges as proof the discus at Olympia on which an inscription preserves the name of Lycurgus. Concerning Lycurgus the lawgiver, in general, nothing can be said which is not disputed, since indeed there are different accounts of his birth, his travels, his death, and above all, of his work as lawmaker and statesman; and there is least agreement among historians as to the times in which the man lived. Some say that he flourished at the same time with Iphitus, and in concert with him established the Olympic truce. Among these is Aristotle the philosopher, and he alleges as proof the discus at Olympia on which an inscription preserves the name of Lycurgus. But those who compute the time by the successions of kings at Sparta, like Eratosthenes and Apollodorus, prove that Lycurgus was many years earlier than the first Olympiad. But those who compute the time by the successions of kings at Sparta, like Eratosthenes and Apollodorus, prove that Lycurgus was many years earlier than the first Olympiad. Xenophon, also, Xenophon, also, For instance, Simonides the poet says that Lycurgus was not the son of Eunomus, but that both Lycurgus and Eunomus were sons of Prytanis; whereas most writers give a different genealogy, as follows: Aristodemus begat Procles, Procles begat Soüs, Soüs begat Eurypon, and he begat Prytanis, from whom sprang Eunomus, and from Eunomus Polydectes by a first wife, and Lycurgus, who was a younger son by a second wife, Dionassa, as Dieutychidas has written, making Lycurgus sixth from Procles, and eleventh from Heracles. For instance, Simonides the poet says that Lycurgus was not the son of Eunomus, but that both Lycurgus and Eunomus were sons of Prytanis; whereas most writers give a different genealogy, as follows: Aristodemus begat Procles, Procles begat Soüs, Soüs begat Eurypon, and he begat Prytanis, from whom sprang Eunomus, and from Eunomus Polydectes by a first wife, and Lycurgus, who was a younger son by a second wife, Dionassa, as Dieutychidas has written, making Lycurgus sixth from Procles, and eleventh from Heracles. Thus encouraged, he tried to bring the chief men of Sparta over to his side, and exhorted them to put their hands to the work with him, explaining his designs secretly to his friends at first, then little by little engaging more and uniting them to attempt the task. And when the time for action came, he ordered thirty of the chief men to go armed into the market-place at break of day, to strike consternation and terror into those of the opposite party. The names of twenty of the most eminent among them have been recorded by Hermippus; but the man who had the largest share in all the undertakings of Lycurgus and cooperated with him in the enactment of his laws, bore the name of Arthmiadas.
When the tumult began, King Charilaüs, fearing that the whole affair was a conspiracy against himself, fled for refuge to the Brazen House When the tumult began, King Charilaüs, fearing that the whole affair was a conspiracy against himself, fled for refuge to the Brazen House Among the many innovations which Lycurgus made, the first and most important was his institution of a senate, or Council of Elders, which, as Plato says, Among the many innovations which Lycurgus made, the first and most important was his institution of a senate, or Council of Elders, which, as Plato says, So eager was Lycurgus for the establishment of this form of government, that he obtained an oracle from Delphi about it, which they call a
In these clauses, the
@@ -255,7 +255,7 @@
Although Lycurgus thus tempered his civil polity, nevertheless the oligarchical element in it was still unmixed and dominant, and his successors, seeing it
- Next, he undertook to divide up their movable property also, in order that every vestige of unevenness and inequality might be removed; and when he saw that they could not bear to have it taken from them directly, he took another course, and overcame their avarice by political devices. In the first place, he withdrew all gold and silver money from currency, and ordained the use of iron money only. Then to a great weight and mass of this he gave a trifling value, so that ten minas’ worth Next, he undertook to divide up their movable property also, in order that every vestige of unevenness and inequality might be removed; and when he saw that they could not bear to have it taken from them directly, he took another course, and overcame their avarice by political devices. In the first place, he withdrew all gold and silver money from currency, and ordained the use of iron money only. Then to a great weight and mass of this he gave a trifling value, so that ten minas’ worth When this money obtained currency, many sorts of iniquity went into exile from Lacedaemon. For who would steal, or receive as a bribe, or rob, or plunder that which could neither be concealed, nor possessed with satisfaction, nay, nor even cut to pieces with any profit? For vinegar was used, as we are told, to quench the red-hot iron, robbing it of its temper and making it worthless for any other purpose, when once it had become brittle and hard to work.
@@ -324,7 +324,7 @@
and ruining not only their characters but also their bodies, by surrendering them to every desire and all sorts of surfeit, which call for long sleeps, hot baths, abundant rest, and, as it were, daily nursing and tending. This was surely a great achievement, but it was a still greater one to make wealth They met in companies of fifteen, a few more or less, and each one of the mess-mates contributed monthly a bushel of barley-meal, eight gallons of wine, five pounds of cheese, two and a half pounds of figs, and in addition to this, a very small sum of money for such relishes as flesh and fish. Besides this, whenever any one made a sacrifice of first fruits, or brought home game from the hunt, he sent a portion to his mess. For whenever any one was belated by a sacrifice or the chase, he was allowed to sup at home, but the rest had to be at the mess.
For a long time this custom of eating at common mess-tables was rigidly observed. For instance, when King Agis, on returning from an expedition in which he had been victorious over the Athenians, wished to sup at home with his wife, and sent for his rations, the polemarchs For a long time this custom of eating at common mess-tables was rigidly observed. For instance, when King Agis, on returning from an expedition in which he had been victorious over the Athenians, wished to sup at home with his wife, and sent for his rations, the polemarchs For the flattened piece of bread had the force of a perforated, or negative, ballot. And if one such is found in the bowl, the candidate is not admitted to the mess, because they wish all its members to be congenial. The candidate thus rejected is said to have been
In the matter of education, which he regarded as the greatest and noblest task of the law-giver, he began at the very source, by carefully regulating marriages and births. For it is not true that, as Aristotle says, In the matter of education, which he regarded as the greatest and noblest task of the law-giver, he began at the very source, by carefully regulating marriages and births. For it is not true that, as Aristotle says, Moreover, there were incentives to marriage in these things,—I mean such things as the appearance of the maidens without much clothing in processions and athletic contests where young men were looking on, for these were drawn on by necessity,
- as though children of bad stock did not show their badness to those first who possessed and reared them, and children of good stock, contrariwise, their goodness. The freedom which thus prevailed at that time in marriage relations was aimed at physical and political well-being, and was far removed from the licentiousness which was afterwards attributed to their women, so much so that adultery was wholly unknown among them.
And a saying is reported of one Geradas, And a saying is reported of one Geradas, in the conviction that the life of that which nature had not well equipped at the very beginning for health and strength, was of no advantage either to itself or the state. On the same principle, the women used to bathe their new-born babes not with water, but with wine, thus making a sort of test of their constitutions. For it is said that epileptic and sickly infants are thrown into convulsions by the strong wine and loose their senses, while the healthy ones are rather tempered by it, like steel, and given a firm habit of body.
Their nurses, too, exercised great care and skill; they reared infants without swaddling-bands, and thus left their limbs and figures free to develop; besides, they taught them to be contented and happy, not dainty about their food, nor fearful of the dark, nor afraid to be left alone, nor given to contemptible peevishness and whimpering. This is the reason why foreigners sometimes bought Spartan nurses for their children. Amycla, for instance, the nurse of the Athenian Alcibiades, is said to have been a Spartan. Their nurses, too, exercised great care and skill; they reared infants without swaddling-bands, and thus left their limbs and figures free to develop; besides, they taught them to be contented and happy, not dainty about their food, nor fearful of the dark, nor afraid to be left alone, nor given to contemptible peevishness and whimpering. This is the reason why foreigners sometimes bought Spartan nurses for their children. Amycla, for instance, the nurse of the Athenian Alcibiades, is said to have been a Spartan. And yet Alcibiades, as Plato says, And yet Alcibiades, as Plato says, The boys were also taught to use a discourse which combined pungency with grace, and condensed much observation into a few words. His iron money, indeed, Lycurgus made of large weight and small value, as I have observed, The boys were also taught to use a discourse which combined pungency with grace, and condensed much observation into a few words. His iron money, indeed, Lycurgus made of large weight and small value, as I have observed, Again, in the matter of athletic contests, he allowed the citizens to engage only in those where there was no stretching forth of hands. Again, in the matter of athletic contests, he allowed the citizens to engage only in those where there was no stretching forth of hands. Archidamidas, when certain ones found fault with Hecataeus the Sophist for saying nothing after being admitted to their public mess, answered:
- And Pindar says:— And Pindar says:— For one of the noble and blessed privileges which Lycurgus provided for his fellow-citizens, was abundance of leisure, since he forbade their engaging in any mechanical art whatsoever, and as for money-making, with its laborious efforts to amass wealth, there was no need of it at all, since wealth awakened no envy and brought no honour.
Besides, the Helots tilled their ground for them, and paid them the produce mentioned above. Besides, the Helots tilled their ground for them, and paid them the produce mentioned above. Those who were under thirty years of age did not go into the market-place at all, but had their household wants supplied at the hands of their kinsfolk and lovers. And it was disreputable for the elderly men to be continually seen loitering there, instead of spending the greater part of the day in the places of exercise that are called
nay, they were chiefly occupied there in praising some noble action or censuring some base one, with jesting and laughter which made the path to instruction and correction easy and natural. For not even Lycurgus himself was immoderately severe; indeed, Sosibius tells us that he actually dedicated a little statue of Laughter, and introduced seasonable jesting into their drinking parties and like diversions, to sweeten, as it were, their hardships and meagre fare.
@@ -789,7 +789,7 @@
The senators were at first appointed by Lycurgus himself, as I have said, The senators were at first appointed by Lycurgus himself, as I have said, This was the reason why he did not permit them to live abroad at their pleasure and wander in strange lands, assuming foreign habits and imitating the lives of peoples who were without training and lived under different forms of government. Nay more, he actually drove away from the city the multitudes which streamed in there for no useful purpose, not because he feared they might become imitators of his form of government and learn useful lessons in virtue, as Thucydides says, This was the reason why he did not permit them to live abroad at their pleasure and wander in strange lands, assuming foreign habits and imitating the lives of peoples who were without training and lived under different forms of government. Nay more, he actually drove away from the city the multitudes which streamed in there for no useful purpose, not because he feared they might become imitators of his form of government and learn useful lessons in virtue, as Thucydides says, Now in all this there is no trace of injustice or arrogance, which some attribute to the laws of Lycurgus, declaring them efficacious in producing valour, but defective in producing righteousness. The so-called
- This secret service was of the following nature. The magistrates from time to time sent out into the country at large the most discreet of the young warriors, equipped only with daggers and such supplies as were necessary. In the day time they scattered into obscure and out of the way places, where they hid themselves and lay quiet; but in the night they came down into the highways and killed every Helot whom they caught.
Oftentimes, too, they actually traversed the fields where Helots were working and slew the sturdiest and best of them. So, too, Thucydides, in his history of the Peloponnesian war, Oftentimes, too, they actually traversed the fields where Helots were working and slew the sturdiest and best of them. So, too, Thucydides, in his history of the Peloponnesian war, And Aristotle in particular says also that the ephors, as soon as they came into office, made formal declaration of war upon the Helots, in order that there might be no impiety in slaying them.And in other ways also they were harsh and cruel to the Helots. For instance, they would force them to drink too much strong wine, and then introduce them into their public messes, to show the young men what a thing drunkenness was. They also ordered them to sing songs and dance dances that were low and ridiculous, but to let the nobler kind alone.
And therefore in later times, they say, when the Thebans made their expedition into Laconia, And therefore in later times, they say, when the Thebans made their expedition into Laconia, However, in my opinion, such cruelties were first practised by the Spartans in later times, particularly after the great earthquake, However, in my opinion, such cruelties were first practised by the Spartans in later times, particularly after the great earthquake, When his principal institutions were at last firmly fixed in the customs of the people, and his civil polity had sufficient growth and strength to support and preserve itself, just as Plato says When his principal institutions were at last firmly fixed in the customs of the people, and his civil polity had sufficient growth and strength to support and preserve itself, just as Plato says People did not send requests to them for ships, or money, or hoplites, but for a single Spartan commander; and when they got him, they treated him with honour and reverence, as the Sicilians treated Gylippus; the Chalcidians, Brasidas; and all the Greeks resident in Asia, Lysander, Callicratidas, and Agesilaüs. These men, wherever they came, were styled regulators and chasteners of peoples and magistrates, and the city of Sparta from which they came was regarded as a teacher of well-ordered private life and settled civil polity.
To this position of Sparta Stratonicus would seem to have mockingly alluded when, in jest, he proposed a law that the Athenians should conduct mysteries and processions, and that the Eleians should preside at games, since herein lay their special excellence, but that the Lacedaemonians should be cudgelled if the others did amiss. To this position of Sparta Stratonicus would seem to have mockingly alluded when, in jest, he proposed a law that the Athenians should conduct mysteries and processions, and that the Eleians should preside at games, since herein lay their special excellence, but that the Lacedaemonians should be cudgelled if the others did amiss. ἐπεὶ καὶ ἐπεὶ καὶ αὐτοῦ πάντες ἀπὸ τῆς
- πλησίον πηγῆς, γενομένων δὲ τῶν ὁρκίων ἐπαρθεὶς δὲ τούτοις προσήγετο ἐπαρθεὶς δὲ τούτοις προσήγετο τρίτην δὲ ῥήτραν διαμνημονεύουσι τοῦ Λυκούργου, τὴν κωλύουσαν ἐπὶ τοὺς
- αὐτοὺς πολεμίους ὡς οὔτε αὐτῷ ζῆν ἄμεινον ὂν ὡς οὔτε αὐτῷ ζῆν ἄμεινον ὂν ἔδει δὲ τὴν ἀπόκρισιν καὶ ἔδει δὲ τὴν ἀπόκρισιν καὶ
καὶ μὴν καὶ τὰ περὶ τὰς ταφὰς ἄριστα
- διεκόσμησεν αὐτοῖς. πολλάκις δὲ καὶ
- τοῖς ἀγροῖς There is likewise There is likewise Accordingly, when it is said that Numa was an intimate friend of Pythagoras, some deny utterly that Numa had any Greek culture, holding either that he was naturally capable of attaining excellence by his own efforts, or that the culture of the king was due to some Barbarian superior to Pythagoras. Others say that Pythagoras the philosopher lived as many as five generations after Numa,
but that there was another Pythagoras, the Spartan, who was Olympic victor in the foot-race for the sixteenth Olympiad but that there was another Pythagoras, the Spartan, who was Olympic victor in the foot-race for the sixteenth Olympiad Chronology, however, is hard to fix, and especially that which is based on the names of victors in the Olympic games, the list of which is said to have been published at a late period by Hippias of Elis, who had no fully authoritative basis for his work. I shall therefore begin at a convenient point, and relate the noteworthy facts which I have found in the life of Numa. Suddenly there was a great commotion in the air, and a cloud descended upon the earth bringing with it blasts of wind and rain. The throng of common folk were terrified and fled in all directions, but Romulus disappeared, and was never found again either alive or dead. Upon this a grievous suspicion attached itself to the patricians, and an accusing story was current among the people to the effect that they had long been weary of kingly rule, and desired to transfer the power to themselves, and had therefore made away with the king. And indeed it had been noticed for some time that he treated them with greater harshness and arrogance.
This suspicion the patricians sought to remove by ascribing divine honours to Romulus, on the ground that he was not dead, but blessed with a better lot. And Proculus, a man of eminence, took oath that he had seen Romulus ascending to heaven in full armour, and had heard his voice commanding that he be called Quirinus. This suspicion the patricians sought to remove by ascribing divine honours to Romulus, on the ground that he was not dead, but blessed with a better lot. And Proculus, a man of eminence, took oath that he had seen Romulus ascending to heaven in full armour, and had heard his voice commanding that he be called Quirinus. But in order that their factions might not produce utter confusion from the absence of all authority, now that the administration of affairs was suspended, it was arranged by the senators, who were one hundred and fifty in number, But in order that their factions might not produce utter confusion from the absence of all authority, now that the administration of affairs was suspended, it was arranged by the senators, who were one hundred and fifty in number, Numa belonged to a conspicuous city of the Sabines called Cures, from which the Romans, together with the incorporated Sabines, took the joint name of Quirites. He was a son of Pompon, an illustrious man, and was the youngest of four brothers. He was born, moreover, by some divine felicity, on the very day when Rome was founded by Romulus, that is, the twenty-first day of April. Numa belonged to a conspicuous city of the Sabines called Cures, from which the Romans, together with the incorporated Sabines, took the joint name of Quirites. He was a son of Pompon, an illustrious man, and was the youngest of four brothers. He was born, moreover, by some divine felicity, on the very day when Rome was founded by Romulus, that is, the twenty-first day of April. There is a legend, too, that Pan became enamoured of Pindar and his verses. And the divine powers bestowed signal honour on Archilochus and Hesiod after their deaths, for the sake of the Muses. There is a legend, too, that Pan became enamoured of Pindar and his verses. And the divine powers bestowed signal honour on Archilochus and Hesiod after their deaths, for the sake of the Muses. Is it worth while, then, if we concede these instances of divine favour, to disbelieve that Zaleucus, Minos, Zoroaster, Numa, and Lycurgus, who piloted kingdoms and formulated constitutions, had frequent audience of the Deity? Is it not likely, rather, that the gods are in earnest when they hold converse with such men as these, in order to instruct and advise them in the highest and best way, but use poets and warbling singers, if at all, for their own diversion?
@@ -206,7 +206,7 @@
However, if any one is otherwise minded, I say with Bacchylides,
Numa therefore decided to yield, and after sacrificing to the gods, set out for Rome. The senate and people met him on his way, filled with a wondrous love of the man; women welcomed him with fitting cries of joy; sacrifices were offered in the temples, and joy was universal, as if the city were receiving, not a king, but a kingdom. When they were come down into the forum, Spurius Vettius whose lot it was to be
His first measure on assuming the government was to disband the body of three hundred men that Romulus always kept about his person, and called
Now before this time the Romans called their priests
After taking such measures to secure the goodwill and favour of the people, Numa straightway attempted to soften the city, as iron is softened in the fire, and change its harsh and warlike temper into one of greater gentleness and justice. For if a city was ever in what Plato calls After taking such measures to secure the goodwill and favour of the people, Numa straightway attempted to soften the city, as iron is softened in the fire, and change its harsh and warlike temper into one of greater gentleness and justice. For if a city was ever in what Plato calls In like manner Numa’s fiction was the love which a certain goddess or mountain nymph bore him, arid her secret meetings with him, as already mentioned, In like manner Numa’s fiction was the love which a certain goddess or mountain nymph bore him, arid her secret meetings with him, as already mentioned, And apart from these things, other external proofs are urged to show that the two men were acquainted with each other. One of these is that Pythagoras was enrolled as a citizen of Rome. This fact is recorded by Epicharmus the comic poet, in a certain treatise which he dedicated to Antenor; and Epicharmus was an ancient, and belonged to the school of Pythagoras. Another proof is that one of the four sons born to king Numa was named Mamercus, after the son of Pythagoras.
And from him they say that the patrician family of the Aemilii took its name, Aemilius being the endearing name which the king gave him for the grace and And from him they say that the patrician family of the Aemilii took its name, Aemilius being the endearing name which the king gave him for the grace and They say, moreover, that the custody and maintenance of the bridge, like all the other inviolable and ancestral rites, attached to the priesthood, for the Romans held the demolition of the wooden bridge to be not only unlawful, but actually sacrilegious. It is also said that it was built entirely without iron and fastened together with wooden pins in obedience to an oracle. The stone bridge was constructed at a much later period, when Aemilius was quaestor. They say, moreover, that the custody and maintenance of the bridge, like all the other inviolable and ancestral rites, attached to the priesthood, for the Romans held the demolition of the wooden bridge to be not only unlawful, but actually sacrilegious. It is also said that it was built entirely without iron and fastened together with wooden pins in obedience to an oracle. The stone bridge was constructed at a much later period, when Aemilius was quaestor. However, it is said that the wooden bridge also was later than the time of Numa, and was completed by Ancus Marcius, the grandson of Numa by his daughter, when he was king.
@@ -361,14 +361,14 @@
He was also overseer of the holy virgins called Vestals; for to Numa is ascribed the consecration of the Vestal virgins, and in general the worship and care of the perpetual fire entrusted to their charge. It was either because he thought the nature of fire pure and uncorrupted, and therefore entrusted it to chaste and undefiled persons, or because he thought of it as unfruitful and barren, and therefore associated it with virginity. Since wherever in Greece a perpetual fire is kept, as at Delphi and Athens, it is committed to the charge, not of virgins, but of widows past the age of marriage.
And if by any chance it goes out, as at Athens during the tyranny of Aristion And if by any chance it goes out, as at Athens during the tyranny of Aristion And this they usually effect by means of metallic mirrors, the concavity of which is made to follow the sides of an isosceles rectangular triangle, and which converge from their circumference to a single point in the centre. When, therefore, these are placed opposite the sun, so that its rays, as they fall upon them from all sides, are collected and concentrated at the centre, the air itself is rarefied there, and very light and dry substances placed there quickly blaze up from its resistance, the sun’s rays now acquiring the substance and force of fire.
Some, moreover, are of the opinion that nothing but this perpetual fire is guarded by the sacred virgins; while some say that certain sacred objects, which none others may behold, are kept in concealment by them. What may lawfully be learned and told about these things, I have written in my Life of Camillus. Some, moreover, are of the opinion that nothing but this perpetual fire is guarded by the sacred virgins; while some say that certain sacred objects, which none others may behold, are kept in concealment by them. What may lawfully be learned and told about these things, I have written in my Life of Camillus. The Pontifices also explain and direct the ancestral rites of burial for those who desire it, and they were taught by Numa not to regard any such offices as a pollution, but to honour the gods below also with the customary rites, since they receive into their keeping the most sovereign part of us, and particularly the goddess called Libitina, who presides over the solemn services for the dead, whether she is Proserpina, or, as the most learned Romans maintain, Venus; thereby not inaptly connecting man’s birth and death with the power of one and the same goddess.
Numa himself also regulated the periods of mourning according to ages. For instance, over a child of less than three years there was to be no mourning at all; over one older than that, the mourning was not to last more months than it had lived years, up to ten; and no age was to be mourned longer than that, but ten months was the period set for the longest mourning. Numa himself also regulated the periods of mourning according to ages. For instance, over a child of less than three years there was to be no mourning at all; over one older than that, the mourning was not to last more months than it had lived years, up to ten; and no age was to be mourned longer than that, but ten months was the period set for the longest mourning. Numa also established many other orders of priesthood, of which I shall mention two, besides, those of the Salii and the Fetiales, which more than any others give evidence of the man’s reverent piety. The Fetiales were guardians of peace, so to speak, and in my opinion took their name from their office, which was to put a stop to disputes by oral conference, or For the Greeks call it peace when two parties settle their quarrels by mutual conference, and not by violence. And the Roman Fetiales often went to those who were doing them a wrong and made personal appeals for fair treatment; but if the unfair treatment continued, they called the gods to witness, invoked many dreadful evils upon themselves and their country in case they resorted to hostilities unjustly, and so declared war upon them.
@@ -445,7 +445,7 @@
For when the Barbarians were besieging Clusium, Fabius Ambustus was sent from Rome to their camp to bring about a cessation of hostilities on behalf of the besieged. But on receiving an unseemly answer, he thought his office of ambassador was at an end, and committed the youthful folly of taking up arms for the Clusians and challenging the bravest of the Barbarians to single combat.
Fabius fought successfully, unhorsed his adversary, and stripped him of his armour. But when the Gauls discovered who he was, they sent a herald to Rome denouncing Fabius for violating a truce, breaking his oath, and fighting against them before war was formally declared. At Rome the Fetiales tried to persuade the senate to deliver Fabius into the hands of the Gauls, but he took refuge with the multitude, and through the favour of the populace evaded his punishment. After a little, therefore, the Gauls came up and sacked Rome, with the exception of the Capitol. But this story is more fully given in my Life of Camillus. Fabius fought successfully, unhorsed his adversary, and stripped him of his armour. But when the Gauls discovered who he was, they sent a herald to Rome denouncing Fabius for violating a truce, breaking his oath, and fighting against them before war was formally declared. At Rome the Fetiales tried to persuade the senate to deliver Fabius into the hands of the Gauls, but he took refuge with the multitude, and through the favour of the populace evaded his punishment. After a little, therefore, the Gauls came up and sacked Rome, with the exception of the Capitol. But this story is more fully given in my Life of Camillus. Now the Salii were so named, not, as some tell the tale, from a man of Samothrace or Mantinea, named Salius, who first taught the dance in armour; but rather from the At any rate, the story goes that he once invited a large number of the citizens to his table, and set before them mean dishes and a very simple repast; but just as they began to eat, he surprised them by saying that the goddess with whom he consorted was come to visit him, and lo, on a sudden, the room was full of costly beakers and the tables were laden with all sorts of meats and abundant furniture.
But nothing can be so strange as what is told about his conversation with Jupiter. When the Aventine hill—so runs the tale—was not yet a part of the city nor even inhabited, but abounded in springs and shady dells, two demi-gods, Picus and Faunus, made it their haunt. In other ways these divinities might be likened to Satyrs or Pans, but they are said to have used powerful drugs and practised clever incantations, and to have traversed Italy playing the same tricks as the so-called Idaean Dactyli But nothing can be so strange as what is told about his conversation with Jupiter. When the Aventine hill—so runs the tale—was not yet a part of the city nor even inhabited, but abounded in springs and shady dells, two demi-gods, Picus and Faunus, made it their haunt. In other ways these divinities might be likened to Satyrs or Pans, but they are said to have used powerful drugs and practised clever incantations, and to have traversed Italy playing the same tricks as the so-called Idaean Dactyli These demi-gods Numa is said to have caught, by mixing wine and honey with the water of the spring from which they were wont to drink. When captured, they dropped their own forms and assumed many different shapes, presenting hideous and dreadful appearances. But when they perceived that they were fast caught and could not escape, they foretold to Numa many things that would come to pass, and taught him besides the charm against thunder and lightning, which is still practised with onions, hair, and sprats.
@@ -586,7 +586,7 @@
But of all his measures, the one most admired was his distribution of the people into groups according to their trades or arts. For the city was supposed to consist of two tribes, as has been said, But of all his measures, the one most admired was his distribution of the people into groups according to their trades or arts. For the city was supposed to consist of two tribes, as has been said, and that at the outset the Romans had only ten months in their year, as some Barbarians have three, and as, among the Greeks, the Arcadians have four, and the Acarnanians six; the Aegyptian year had at first only a single month in it, afterwards four, as we are told. And therefore, though they inhabit a very recent country, and that at the outset the Romans had only ten months in their year, as some Barbarians have three, and as, among the Greeks, the Arcadians have four, and the Acarnanians six; the Aegyptian year had at first only a single month in it, afterwards four, as we are told. And therefore, though they inhabit a very recent country, Of the months which were added or transposed by Numa, February must have something to do with Of the months which were added or transposed by Numa, February must have something to do with
On the contrary, either fear of the gods, who seemed to have him in their especial care, or reverence for his virtue, or a marvellous felicity, which in his days kept life free from the taint of every vice, and pure, made him a manifest illustration and confirmation of the saying which Plato, On the contrary, either fear of the gods, who seemed to have him in their especial care, or reverence for his virtue, or a marvellous felicity, which in his days kept life free from the taint of every vice, and pure, made him a manifest illustration and confirmation of the saying which Plato, namely, that human ills would only then cease and disappear when, by some divine felicity, the power of a king should be united in one person with the insight of a philosopher, thereby establishing virtue in control and mastery over vice.
From Pompon the Pomponii are descended, from Pinus the Pinarii, from Calpus the Calpurnii, and from Mamercus the Mamercii, who for this reason had also the surname of Reges, or However, all are agreed that Pompilia was married to Marcius. Now this Marcius was a son of the Marcius who induced Numa to accept the throne. However, all are agreed that Pompilia was married to Marcius. Now this Marcius was a son of the Marcius who induced Numa to accept the throne. ἦν δ’ οὐ μικρόν, ὡς
ἔοικεν, ἔργον, ἀλλὰ καὶ λόγων πολλῶν καὶ δεήσεως τὸ πεῖσαι καὶ
μεταστῆσαι γνώμην ἀνδρὸς ἐν ἡσυχία καὶ εἰρήνῃ βεβιωκότος εἰς ἀρχὴν
- πόλεως τρόπον τινὰ καὶ γεγενημένης
σιγὴ δὲ ἄπιστος ἐν πλήθει τοσούτῳ τὴν ἀγορὰν κατεῖχε καραδοκούντων καὶ
συναιωρουμένων τῷ μέλλοντι, μέχρι οὗ προὐφάνησαν ὄρνιθες ἀγαθοὶ καὶ
- δεξιοὶ ἐπέτρεψαν ἐξ ὧν καὶ μάλιστα λόγον ἔσχεν ἡ σοφία καὶ ἡ παίδευσις τοῦ ἀνδρός, ὡς Πυθαγόρᾳ συγγεγονότος. μέγα
γὰρ ἦν μέρος, ὡς ἐκείνῳ τῆς φιλοσοφίας, καὶ τούτῳ τῆς πολιτείας ἡ περὶ τὸ θεῖον
- ἁγιστεία ἔστι δὲ καὶ τὰ περὶ τῶν ἀφιδρυμάτων
νομοθετήματα παντάπασιν ἀδελφὰ τῶν Πυθαγόρου ὁ δὲ μέγιστος τῶν Ποντιφίκων οἷον ἐξηγητοῦ καὶ προφήτου, μᾶλλον δὲ
- ἱεροφάντου τάξιν εἴληχεν, οὐ μόνον εἶτα ὁ πέμπτος ἀπὸ Καίσαρος τοῦ
καταγωνισαμένου Πομπήϊον Ἰούλιος· ὁ δὲ ἕκτος Αὔγουστος ἀπὸ τοῦ
δευτέρου μὲν ἄρξαντος, Σεβαστοῦ δὲ ἐπικληθέντος, ὠνομάσθη. τοὺς δὲ
- ἐφεξῆς ἀλλʼ εἴτε φόβος θεῶν προκήδεσθαι δοκούντων τοῦ ἀνδρὸς εἴτε τῆς ἀρετῆς αἰδὼς εἴτε δαιμόνιος ἀλλʼ εἴτε φόβος θεῶν προκήδεσθαι δοκούντων τοῦ ἀνδρὸς εἴτε τῆς ἀρετῆς αἰδὼς εἴτε δαιμόνιος a most savage and lawless practice, we shall own that Numa was far more Hellenic as a lawgiver, since he gave acknowledged slaves a taste of the dignity of freedom, by making it the custom for them to feast in the company of their masters during the Saturnalia a most savage and lawless practice, we shall own that Numa was far more Hellenic as a lawgiver, since he gave acknowledged slaves a taste of the dignity of freedom, by making it the custom for them to feast in the company of their masters during the Saturnalia With regard to community in marriage and parentage, though both, by a sound policy, inculcated in husbands a freedom from selfish jealousy, still, their methods were not entirely alike. The Roman husband, if he had a sufficient number of children to rear, and another, who lacked children, could persuade him to the step, relinquished his wife to him, having the power of surrendering her entirely, or only for a season; but the Spartan, while his wife remained in his house, and the marriage retained its original rights and obligations, might allow any one who gained his consent to share his wife for the purpose of getting children by her. And many husbands, as we have said, And many husbands, as we have said, Still further, Numa’s watchful care of young maidens was more conducive to feminine decorum; but the treatment of them by Lycurgus, being entirely unconfined and unfeminine, has given occasion to the poets. They call them
For in fact the flaps of the tunic worn by their maidens were not sewn together below the waist, but would fly back and lay bare the whole thigh as they walked. Sophocles pictures the thing very clearly in these words For in fact the flaps of the tunic worn by their maidens were not sewn together below the waist, but would fly back and lay bare the whole thigh as they walked. Sophocles pictures the thing very clearly in these words And so their women, it is said, were too bold, putting on men’s airs with their husbands even, to begin with, since they ruled their houses absolutely, and besides, on public occasions, taking part in debate and the freest speech on the most important subjects. But Numa, while carefully preserving to the matrons that dignified and honourable relation to their husbands which was bestowed on them by Romulus, And so their women, it is said, were too bold, putting on men’s airs with their husbands even, to begin with, since they ruled their houses absolutely, and besides, on public occasions, taking part in debate and the freest speech on the most important subjects. But Numa, while carefully preserving to the matrons that dignified and honourable relation to their husbands which was bestowed on them by Romulus, At any rate, it is said that when a woman once pleaded her own cause in the forum, the senate sent to inquire of an oracle what the event might portend for the city. And for their usual gentleness and readiness to obey, there is strong evidence in the specific mention made of those who were less amenable. For just as our Greek historians record the names of those who first slew kinsfolk, or made war on their brothers, or were parricides, or matricides, Now, it is not worth while to censure the common run of legislators, who fail through ignorance or weakness. But when a wise man had consented to be king over a people newly constituted and pliant to his every wish, what should have been his first care, unless it was the rearing of boys and the training of youths so that there might be no confusing differences in their characters, but that they might be moulded and fashioned from the very outset so as to walk harmoniously together in the same path of virtue? This, indeed, was what helped Lycurgus to secure, among other things, the stability and permanence of his laws. The Spartans took oaths to maintain these laws, it is true, but this would have availed little had he not, by means of his training and education of the boys, infused his laws, as it were, into their characters, and made the emulous love of his government an integral part of their rearing. The result was that for more than five hundred years the sovereign and fundamental features of his legislation remained in force, like a strong and penetrating dye. But that which was the end and aim of Numa’s government, namely, the continuance of peace and friendship between Rome and other nations, straightway vanished from the earth with him. After his death the double doors of the temple But that which was the end and aim of Numa’s government, namely, the continuance of peace and friendship between Rome and other nations, straightway vanished from the earth with him. After his death the double doors of the temple
diff --git a/data/tlg0007/tlg007/tlg0007.tlg007.perseus-eng2.xml b/data/tlg0007/tlg007/tlg0007.tlg007.perseus-eng2.xml
index c4f4dd8b2..6c97d8b50 100644
--- a/data/tlg0007/tlg007/tlg0007.tlg007.perseus-eng2.xml
+++ b/data/tlg0007/tlg007/tlg0007.tlg007.perseus-eng2.xml
@@ -116,7 +116,7 @@
- But that he classed himself among the poor rather than the rich, is clear from these verses:—
In particular we are told of private intercourse between Solon and Anacharsis, and between Solon and Thales, of which the following accounts are given. In particular we are told of private intercourse between Solon and Anacharsis, and between Solon and Thales, of which the following accounts are given.
Now there seems to be a confirmation of this story in certain ceremonies afterwards established. Namely, an Attic ship would approach the island in silence at first, then its crew would make an onset with shouts and cries, and one man in full armour would leap out with a shout of triumph and run to the promontory of Sciradium to inform those who were attacking by land. Hard by that place is the temple of Enyalius Now there seems to be a confirmation of this story in certain ceremonies afterwards established. Namely, an Attic ship would approach the island in silence at first, then its crew would make an onset with shouts and cries, and one man in full armour would leap out with a shout of triumph and run to the promontory of Sciradium to inform those who were attacking by land. Hard by that place is the temple of Enyalius
These events, then, presently made Solon famous and powerful. But he was even more admired and celebrated among the Greeks for what he said in behalf of the temple at Delphi, namely, that the Greeks must come to its relief, and not suffer the people of Cirrha to outrage the oracle, but aid the Delphians in maintaining the honor of the god. For it was by his persuasion that the Amphictyons These events, then, presently made Solon famous and powerful. But he was even more admired and celebrated among the Greeks for what he said in behalf of the temple at Delphi, namely, that the Greeks must come to its relief, and not suffer the people of Cirrha to outrage the oracle, but aid the Delphians in maintaining the honor of the god. For it was by his persuasion that the Amphictyons
- He was not, however, appointed general for this war, as Evanthes the Samian says (according to Hermippus), for Aeschines the orator makes no such statement,
Now the Cylonian pollution had for a long time agitated the city, ever since Megacles the archon had persuaded Cylon and his fellow conspirators, who had taken sanctuary in the temple of Athena, to come down and stand their trial. Now the Cylonian pollution had for a long time agitated the city, ever since Megacles the archon had persuaded Cylon and his fellow conspirators, who had taken sanctuary in the temple of Athena, to come down and stand their trial.
@@ -448,11 +448,11 @@
Under these circumstances they summoned to their aid from Crete Epimenides of Phaestus, who is reckoned as the seventh Wise Man by some of those who refuse Periander a place in the list. Under these circumstances they summoned to their aid from Crete Epimenides of Phaestus, who is reckoned as the seventh Wise Man by some of those who refuse Periander a place in the list.
- For he made the Athenians decorous and careful in their religious services, and milder in their rites of mourning, by attaching certain sacrifices immediately to their funeral ceremonies and by taking away the harsh and barbaric practices in which their women had usually indulged up to that time. Most important of all, by sundry rites of propitiation and purification, and by sacred foundations, he hallowed and consecrated the city, and brought it to be observant of justice and more easily inclined to unanimity. It is said that when he had seen Munychia for if the Athenians only knew what mischiefs the place would bring upon their city,
@@ -465,8 +465,8 @@
But the Athenians, now that the Cylonian disturbance was over and the polluted persons banished, as described, But the Athenians, now that the Cylonian disturbance was over and the polluted persons banished, as described,
- But Solon himself says that he entered public life reluctantly, and fearing one party’s greed and the other party’s arrogance.
@@ -514,7 +514,7 @@
Some writers, however, and Androtion is one of them, affirm that the poor were relieved not by a cancelling of debts, but by a reduction of the interest upon them, and showed their satisfaction by giving the name of
-
@@ -587,7 +587,7 @@
- Then when the decree was published, they enjoyed the use of their properties, but refused to pay the moneys due their creditors. This brought Solon into great condemnation and odium, as if he had not been imposed upon with the rest, but were a party to the imposition.
He pleased neither party, however; the rich were vexed because he took away their securities for debt, and the poor still more, because he did not redistribute the land, as they had expected, nor make all men equal and alike in their way of living, as Lycurgus did. But Lycurgus was eleventh in descent from Heracles, and had been king in Lacedaemon for many years. He therefore had great authority, many friends, and power to support his reforms in the commonwealth. He also employed force rather than persuasion, insomuch that he actually lost his eye thereby, He pleased neither party, however; the rich were vexed because he took away their securities for debt, and the poor still more, because he did not redistribute the land, as they had expected, nor make all men equal and alike in their way of living, as Lycurgus did. But Lycurgus was eleventh in descent from Heracles, and had been king in Lacedaemon for many years. He therefore had great authority, many friends, and power to support his reforms in the commonwealth. He also employed force rather than persuasion, insomuch that he actually lost his eye thereby,
@@ -629,7 +629,7 @@
In the first place, then, he repealed the laws of Draco, all except those concerning homicide In the first place, then, he repealed the laws of Draco, all except those concerning homicide
@@ -667,7 +667,7 @@
In the second place, wishing to leave all the magistracies in the hands of the well-to-do, as they were, but to give the common people a share in the rest of the government, of which they had hitherto been deprived, Solon made an appraisement of the property of the citizens. In the second place, wishing to leave all the magistracies in the hands of the well-to-do, as they were, but to give the common people a share in the rest of the government, of which they had hitherto been deprived, Solon made an appraisement of the property of the citizens.
@@ -689,7 +689,7 @@
After he had established the council of the Areiopagus, consisting of those who had been archons year by year (and he himself was a member of this body since he had been archon), he observed that the common people were uneasy and bold in consequence of their release from debt, and therefore established another council besides, consisting of four hundred men, one hundred chosen from each of the four tribes. After he had established the council of the Areiopagus, consisting of those who had been archons year by year (and he himself was a member of this body since he had been archon), he observed that the common people were uneasy and bold in consequence of their release from debt, and therefore established another council besides, consisting of four hundred men, one hundred chosen from each of the four tribes.
@@ -732,7 +732,7 @@
Among his other laws there is a very peculiar and surprising one which ordains that he shall be disfranchised who, in time of faction, takes neither side. Among his other laws there is a very peculiar and surprising one which ordains that he shall be disfranchised who, in time of faction, takes neither side.
@@ -749,7 +749,7 @@
- And so our cities should not allow this irregularity, nor tolerate which age forbids and love does not invite, which do not fulfil the function of marriage, and defeat its object. Nay, to an old man who is marrying a young wife, any worthy magistrate or lawgiver might say what is said to Philoctetes
- Now the Athenians were from of old great enemies of wolves, since their country was better for pasturage than for tillage. And there are those who say that their four tribes were originally named, not from the sons of Ion, but from the classes into which occupations were divided; thus the warriors were called Hoplitai, the craftsmen Ergadeis; and of the remaining two, the farmers were called Geleontes, the shepherds and herdsmen Aigikoreis.
Characteristic of Solon also was his regulation of the practice of eating at the public table in the townhall, for which his word was
All his laws were to have force for a hundred years, and they were written on
-
- Observing the irregularity of the month, and that the motion of the moon does not always coincide with the rising and setting of the sun, but that often she overtakes and passes the sun on the same day, he ordered that day to be called the Old and New, assigning the portion of it which preceded the conjunction to the expiring month, and the remaining portion to the month that was just beginning. He was thus the first, as it would seem, to understand Homer’s verse,
He saw that to do this was out of the question, and that not to do it would bring odium upon him, and wishing to be wholly rid of these perplexities and to escape from the captiousness and censoriousness of the citizens (for
-
In the first place, then, he went to Egypt, In the first place, then, he went to Egypt,
@@ -951,7 +951,7 @@
- Solon himself also makes mention of this consolidation. In his elegies, namely, he addresses Philocyprus and says:—
- So then, they say that Solon, on visiting Sardis at the invitation of Croesus,
@@ -1034,7 +1034,7 @@
But the people of Athens were again divided into factions while Solon was away. The Plain-men were headed by Lycurgus; the Shore-men by Megacles the son of Alcmaeon, and the Hill-men by Peisistratus. But the people of Athens were again divided into factions while Solon was away. The Plain-men were headed by Lycurgus; the Shore-men by Megacles the son of Alcmaeon, and the Hill-men by Peisistratus.
@@ -1061,9 +1061,9 @@
Now when Peisistratus, after inflicting a wound upon himself, Now when Peisistratus, after inflicting a wound upon himself,
But when he saw that the poor were tumultuously bent on gratifying Peisistratus, while the rich were fearfully slinking away from any conflict with him, he left the assembly, saying that he was wiser than the one party, and braver than the other; wiser than those who did not understand what was being done and braver than those who, though they understood it, were nevertheless afraid to oppose the tyranny. But when he saw that the poor were tumultuously bent on gratifying Peisistratus, while the rich were fearfully slinking away from any conflict with him, he left the assembly, saying that he was wiser than the one party, and braver than the other; wiser than those who did not understand what was being done and braver than those who, though they understood it, were nevertheless afraid to oppose the tyranny.
When this had been done, and the city was in an uproar, Megacles When this had been done, and the city was in an uproar, Megacles
Then it was, too, that he uttered the famous saying, that earlier it had been easier for them to hinder the tyranny, while it was in preparation; but now it was a greater and more glorious task to uproot and destroy it when it had been already planted and was grown. No one had the courage to side with him, however, and so he retired to his own house, took his arms, and placed them in the street in front of his door, saying:
@@ -1106,7 +1106,7 @@
- Now Solon, after beginning his great work on the story or fable of the lost Atlantis, which, as he had heard from the learned men of Sais,
Plato, ambitious to elaborate and adorn the subject of the lost Atlantis, as if it were the soil of a fair estate unoccupied, but appropriately his by virtue of some kinship with Solon, Plato, ambitious to elaborate and adorn the subject of the lost Atlantis, as if it were the soil of a fair estate unoccupied, but appropriately his by virtue of some kinship with Solon,
- But he was late in beginning, and ended his life before his work.
Well, then, Solon lived on after Peisistratus had made himself tyrant, as Hercleides Ponticus states, a long time; but as Phanias of Eresos says, less than two years. For it was in the archonship of Comeas Well, then, Solon lived on after Peisistratus had made himself tyrant, as Hercleides Ponticus states, a long time; but as Phanias of Eresos says, less than two years. For it was in the archonship of Comeas
diff --git a/data/tlg0007/tlg007/tlg0007.tlg007.perseus-grc2.xml b/data/tlg0007/tlg007/tlg0007.tlg007.perseus-grc2.xml
index 24e48ac30..cfb5059c3 100644
--- a/data/tlg0007/tlg007/tlg0007.tlg007.perseus-grc2.xml
+++ b/data/tlg0007/tlg007/tlg0007.tlg007.perseus-grc2.xml
@@ -113,7 +113,7 @@
ὅτι δὲ πρὸς τοὺς καλοὺς οὐκ ἦν ἐχυρὸς ὁ Σόλων οὐδʼ Ἔρωτι θαρραλέος
- σοφίας μὲν γὰρ ἦν ὁμολογουμένως ἐραστής, ὅς γε καὶ πρεσβύτερος ὢν ἔλεγε σοφίας μὲν γὰρ ἦν ὁμολογουμένως ἐραστής, ὅς γε καὶ πρεσβύτερος ὢν ἔλεγε οὐ μὴν ἀνέδην γε πάλιν οὐδʼ ἁπλῶς τὰς δόσεις ἐφῆκεν, ἀλλʼ εἰ μὴ νόσων
- ἕνεκεν ἢ φαρμάκων ἢ δεσμῶν Now Tarquinius Superbus had not acquired his power honourably, but by the violation of divine and human laws; nor did he exercise it in kingly fashion, but after the manner of an insolent and haughty tyrant. The people therefore hated him, resented his oppressions, and found occasion for revolt in the fate of Lucretia, who made away with herself after violence had been done to her. Lucius Brutus, engaging in the revolution, came to Valerius first of all, and with his most zealous assistance drove out the kings. Now Tarquinius Superbus had not acquired his power honourably, but by the violation of divine and human laws; nor did he exercise it in kingly fashion, but after the manner of an insolent and haughty tyrant. The people therefore hated him, resented his oppressions, and found occasion for revolt in the fate of Lucretia, who made away with herself after violence had been done to her. Lucius Brutus, engaging in the revolution, came to Valerius first of all, and with his most zealous assistance drove out the kings. Then, as long as the people was likely to elect one man as their commander in place of the king, Valerius acquiesced, thinking it more fitting that Brutus should have the office, because he had led the way to freedom. But the very name of monarchy was odious to the people, who thought that it would be less vexatious to submit to an authority which was divided, and therefore proposed and demanded that two men should be elected to the highest office. Then Valerius, who hoped that he would be chosen next to Brutus, and would be consul with him, was disappointed.
For against the wishes of Brutus, Tarquinius Collatinus, the husband of Lucretia, was elected as his colleague, For against the wishes of Brutus, Tarquinius Collatinus, the husband of Lucretia, was elected as his colleague, After this, other envoys came announcing that Tarquin abdicated his throne and ceased to wage war upon the city, but demanded for himself, his friends, and his kinsmen, their moneys and effects, After this, other envoys came announcing that Tarquin abdicated his throne and ceased to wage war upon the city, but demanded for himself, his friends, and his kinsmen, their moneys and effects, And when an assembly of the citizens was held, the first to speak among them was Caius Minucius, a private man, who exhorted Brutus and advised the Romans to see to it that the treasures fought with them against the tyrants, rather than with the tyrants against them. However, the Romans decided that, since they had the liberty for which they were at war, they would not sacrifice peace for the sake of wealth, but cast this also out along with the tyrants. And when an assembly of the citizens was held, the first to speak among them was Caius Minucius, a private man, who exhorted Brutus and advised the Romans to see to it that the treasures fought with them against the tyrants, rather than with the tyrants against them. However, the Romans decided that, since they had the liberty for which they were at war, they would not sacrifice peace for the sake of wealth, but cast this also out along with the tyrants. When, accordingly, the youths had been persuaded and held conference with the Aquillii, it was decided that all the conspirators should swear a great and dreadful oath, pouring in libation the blood of a slain man, and touching his entrails. For this purpose they met at the house of the Aquillii. When, accordingly, the youths had been persuaded and held conference with the Aquillii, it was decided that all the conspirators should swear a great and dreadful oath, pouring in libation the blood of a slain man, and touching his entrails. For this purpose they met at the house of the Aquillii. Their business transacted, the conspirators departed, and then Vindicius stole secretly away from the house. He knew not what use to make of what had befallen him, but was at a loss, considering it a dreadful thing, as it really was, to arraign the sons of Brutus before their father, or the nephews of Collatinus before their uncle, on the most abominable charges, and yet believing that no Roman in a private station could be entrusted with such important secrets.
The last thing that he could do, however, was to hold his peace, and driven on by his knowledge of the affair, he made his way somehow to Valerius, attracted especially by the affable and kindly ways of the man. The last thing that he could do, however, was to hold his peace, and driven on by his knowledge of the affair, he made his way somehow to Valerius, attracted especially by the affable and kindly ways of the man. The rest could not endure to look upon the sight, but it is said that the father neither turned his gaze away, nor allowed any pity to soften the stern wrath that sat upon his countenance, but watched the dreadful punishment of his sons until the lictors threw them on the ground and cut off their heads with the axe. Then he rose and went away, after committing the other culprits to the judgement of his colleague. The rest could not endure to look upon the sight, but it is said that the father neither turned his gaze away, nor allowed any pity to soften the stern wrath that sat upon his countenance, but watched the dreadful punishment of his sons until the lictors threw them on the ground and cut off their heads with the axe. Then he rose and went away, after committing the other culprits to the judgement of his colleague. Collatinus, as it would seem, was already under some suspicion on account of his relationship to the royal family, and the second of his names also was hateful to time people, who loathed the sound of Tarquin. But after these recent events, he saw that he was altogether obnoxious, and therefore resigned his office and withdrew secretly from the city. Collatinus, as it would seem, was already under some suspicion on account of his relationship to the royal family, and the second of his names also was hateful to time people, who loathed the sound of Tarquin. But after these recent events, he saw that he was altogether obnoxious, and therefore resigned his office and withdrew secretly from the city. In this reward he thought that Vindicius ought to share, and therefore had a decree passed which made him, first of all freedmen, a citizen of Rome, and entitled him to vote with any curia in which he chose to be enrolled. Other freedmen received the right of suffrage in much later times from Appius, In this reward he thought that Vindicius ought to share, and therefore had a decree passed which made him, first of all freedmen, a citizen of Rome, and entitled him to vote with any curia in which he chose to be enrolled. Other freedmen received the right of suffrage in much later times from Appius, In like manner also they cast in the trees which had been cut, and left the place wholly untilled and barren for the god of war. The quantities of stuff thus heaped together were not borne along by the current very far, but the advanced portions stopped and accumulated at the shallows which they encountered. The portions that followed these could not get through them, but impinged upon them and blended inextricably with them, and time aggregation was made increasingly firm and fast by the action of the stream.
For this brought along great quantities of mud, the addition of which increased the size and cohesion of the mass. And besides, the impacts of the current were not rude, but with a gentle pressure pushed and moulded everything together. Owing to its size and position the mass acquired fresh size, and an extent sufficient to receive most of what was brought down by the river. It is now a sacred island over against the city, containing temples of the gods and covered walks, For this brought along great quantities of mud, the addition of which increased the size and cohesion of the mass. And besides, the impacts of the current were not rude, but with a gentle pressure pushed and moulded everything together. Owing to its size and position the mass acquired fresh size, and an extent sufficient to receive most of what was brought down by the river. It is now a sacred island over against the city, containing temples of the gods and covered walks, But Tarquin, despairing of attempts to regain his throne by treachery, was eagerly welcomed by the Tuscans, But Tarquin, despairing of attempts to regain his throne by treachery, was eagerly welcomed by the Tuscans, It was not by chance, but both were driven on by hatred and wrath, the one to attack a tyrant and foe of his country, the other to avenge himself on the author of his exile. They urged their horses to the combat, but since they engaged with fury rather than calculation, they were reckless of themselves, and fell by one another’s hands. The battle which had such a dreadful beginning ended no less disastrously; the armies, after inflicting and suffering equal losses, were separated by a tempest. It was not by chance, but both were driven on by hatred and wrath, the one to attack a tyrant and foe of his country, the other to avenge himself on the author of his exile. They urged their horses to the combat, but since they engaged with fury rather than calculation, they were reckless of themselves, and fell by one another’s hands. The battle which had such a dreadful beginning ended no less disastrously; the armies, after inflicting and suffering equal losses, were separated by a tempest. Valerius was therefore in perplexity, not knowing what the issue of the battle was, but seeing his soldiers as much disheartened by their own losses as they were encouraged by those of their enemies. So undistinguishable and equal was the slaughter on both sides. Each army, however was more convinced of defeat by the near sight of its own dead, than it could be of victory by conjecturing those of the enemy.
But when such a night came on as must needs follow such a battle, and both camps were quiet, they say that the grove was shaken, and a loud voice issued from it declaring that the Tuscans had lost one man more in the battle than the Romans. The utterance was manifestly from some god, But when such a night came on as must needs follow such a battle, and both camps were quiet, they say that the grove was shaken, and a loud voice issued from it declaring that the Tuscans had lost one man more in the battle than the Romans. The utterance was manifestly from some god, As for those that remained, a little less than five thousand in number, the Romans fell upon them, took them prisoners, and plundered the camp. And when the dead on both sides were numbered, those of the enemy were found to be eleven thousand and three hundred, and those of the Romans as many less one.
@@ -305,13 +305,13 @@
Accordingly, Valerius showed what a good thing it is for men in power and high station to have ears which are open to frankness and truth instead of flattery. For when he heard from his friends, who spared him no detail, that he was thought by time multitude to be transgressing, he was not obstinate nor exasperated, but quickly got together a large force of workmen, and while it was still night tore the house down, and razed it all to the ground.
In the morning, therefore, the Romans saw what had happened, and came flocking together. They were moved to love and admiration by the man’s magnanimity, but were distressed for the house, and mourned for its stately beauty, as if it had been human, now that envy had unjustly compassed its destruction. They were also distressed for their ruler, who, like a homeless man, was now sharing the homes of others. For Valerius was received into the houses of his friends until the people gave him a site and built him a house, of more modest dimensions than the one he had lived in before, where now stands the temple of Vica Pota, In the morning, therefore, the Romans saw what had happened, and came flocking together. They were moved to love and admiration by the man’s magnanimity, but were distressed for the house, and mourned for its stately beauty, as if it had been human, now that envy had unjustly compassed its destruction. They were also distressed for their ruler, who, like a homeless man, was now sharing the homes of others. For Valerius was received into the houses of his friends until the people gave him a site and built him a house, of more modest dimensions than the one he had lived in before, where now stands the temple of Vica Pota, Wishing now to make not only himself but also the government, instead of formidable, submissive and agreeable to the multitude, he removed the axes from the lictors’ rods, and when he came into the assembly, inclined and lowered the rods themselves to the people, emphasizing the majesty of the democracy. This custom the consuls observe to this day.
And before the multitude were aware of it he had succeeded, not by humbling himself, as they thought, but by checking and removing their envious feelings through such moderation on his part, in adding to his real influence over them just as much as he had seemed to take away from his authority, and the people submitted to him with pleasure and bore his yoke willingly. They therefore called him Publicola, And before the multitude were aware of it he had succeeded, not by humbling himself, as they thought, but by checking and removing their envious feelings through such moderation on his part, in adding to his real influence over them just as much as he had seemed to take away from his authority, and the people submitted to him with pleasure and bore his yoke willingly. They therefore called him Publicola, He also received praise for his law concerning the public treasury. When it was necessary for the citizens to contribute from their substance means for carrying on the war, he was unwilling to assume the administration of it himself, or to allow his friends to do so, or, indeed, to have the public moneys brought into any private house. He therefore made the temple of Saturn a treasury, as it is to this day, and gave the people the privilege of appointing two young men as quaestors, or treasurers.
The first to be thus appointed were Publius Veturius and Marcus Minucius, and large sums of money were collected. For one hundred and thirty thousand names were on the assessment lists, orphans and widows being excused from the contribution. The first to be thus appointed were Publius Veturius and Marcus Minucius, and large sums of money were collected. For one hundred and thirty thousand names were on the assessment lists, orphans and widows being excused from the contribution. This matter regulated, he caused Lucretius, the father of Lucretia, to be appointed his colleague in the consulship. This matter regulated, he caused Lucretius, the father of Lucretia, to be appointed his colleague in the consulship. But this excited the jealousy of many of the nobility. They could better brook his other honours, to which, as legislator and military commander, he had a rightful claim. But this one they thought he ought not to have, since it was more appropriate for others, and therefore they encouraged and incited Horatius to claim the privilege to consecrating the temple. At a time, then, when Publicola was necessarily absent on military service, they got a vote passed that Horatius should perform the consecration, and conducted him up to the Capitol, feeling that they could not have gained their point had Publicola been in the city.
Some, however, say that Publicola was designated by lot, against his inclination, for the expedition, and Horatius for the consecration. Some, however, say that Publicola was designated by lot, against his inclination, for the expedition, and Horatius for the consecration. This distressed all who heard it; But Horatius, not at all disturbed, merely said:
- XV. A similar fortune seems to have attended the dedication of the second temple. The first, as I have said, was built by Tarquin, but consecrated by Horatius; this was destroyed by fire during the civil wars. XV. A similar fortune seems to have attended the dedication of the second temple. The first, as I have said, was built by Tarquin, but consecrated by Horatius; this was destroyed by fire during the civil wars. This temple, too was destroyed, during the troublous times of Vitellius, This temple, too was destroyed, during the troublous times of Vitellius, Its pillars are of Pentelic marble, But to return to Tarquin, after the great battle in which he lost his son in a duel with Brutus, he fled for refuge to Clusium, and became a suppliant of Lars Porsena, the most powerful king in Italy, who was thought also to be a man of worth and noble ambitions. He promised Tarquin his aid and assistance. So in the first place he sent to Rome and ordered them to receive Tarquin as their king. Then when the Romans refused, he declared war upon them, proclaimed the time and place of his attack, and marched thither with a great force. But to return to Tarquin, after the great battle in which he lost his son in a duel with Brutus, he fled for refuge to Clusium, and became a suppliant of Lars Porsena, the most powerful king in Italy, who was thought also to be a man of worth and noble ambitions. He promised Tarquin his aid and assistance. So in the first place he sent to Rome and ordered them to receive Tarquin as their king. Then when the Romans refused, he declared war upon them, proclaimed the time and place of his attack, and marched thither with a great force.senate
means literally a patricians,
as some say, because they were patricians,
as some say, because they were patronage,
which was their word for the protection of inferiors, and is so to this day; and they suppose that a certain Patron, one of those who came to Italy with Evander, was a protector and defender of the poor and needy, and left his own name in the word which designates such activity.
@@ -343,7 +343,7 @@
consuls,
that is to say, periskulakismoi;
- bakteriai,
which is the Greek word for c
in the word
leitourgoi,
meaning leiton,
and the people
laos.
-
a dry soul is best,
according to Heracleitus,a dry soul is best,
according to Heracleitus,courageous out of fear,
as Plato phrases it,courageous out of fear,
as Plato phrases it,a ministration of the gods for the care and preservation of the young.
For Ariadne’s love seems to have been, more than anything else, a god’s work, and a device whereby Theseus should be saved. And we should not blame her for loving him, but rather wonder that all men and women were not thus affected towards him; and if she alone felt this passion, I should say, for my part, that she was properly worthy of a god’s love, since she was fond of virtue, fond of goodness, and a lover of the highest qualities in man.Lycurgus is said to have lived in the times of the Heracleidae.
@@ -103,7 +103,7 @@
However, although the history of these times is such a maze, I shall try, in presenting my narrative, to follow those authors who are least contradicted, or who have the most notable witnesses for what they have written about the man.
How can Charilaüs be a good man, when he has no severity even for the bad?
feverish
government of the kings, and by having an equal vote with them in matters of the highest importance, brought safety and due moderation into counsels of state. For before this the civil polity was veering and unsteady, inclining at one time to follow the kings towards tyranny, and at another to follow the multitude towards democracy;
@@ -223,7 +223,7 @@
rhetra.
And this is the way it runs:
- When thou hast built a temple to Zeus Syllanius and Athena Syllania, divided the people into
+ phylai
and into obai,
and established a senate of thirty members, including the archagetai,
then from time to time appellazein
between Babyca and CnacionWhen thou hast built a temple to Zeus Syllanius and Athena Syllania, divided the people into
phylai
and into obai,
and established a senate of thirty members, including the archagetai,
then from time to time appellazein
between Babyca and Cnacionswelling and foaming,
as Plato says,swelling and foaming,
as Plato says,imposed as it were a curb upon it, namely, the power of the ephors.
It was about a hundred and thirty years after Lycurgus that the first ephors, Elatus and his colleagues, were appointed, in the reign of Theopompus.
@@ -296,7 +296,7 @@
an object of no desire,
as Theophrastus says, and even unwealth,
- caddished,
for
caddichus
- caddos,
from which the verb in the Greek text is formed.not geometrical, but the sort of necessity which lovers know,
as Plato says.not geometrical, but the sort of necessity which lovers know,
as Plato says.Stranger, there is no adulterer among us.
Suppose, then,
replied the stranger,
there should be one.
@@ -511,13 +511,13 @@
to honour the gods.
By remaining poor, and by not desiring to be greater the one than the other.
And when they asked about fortifying their city, he answered:
A city will be well fortified which is surrounded by brave men and not by bricks.
Now regarding these and similar letters, belief and scepticism are alike difficult.
He who knows how, knows also when to speak.
Instances of the pungent sayings not devoid of grace, of which I spoke,He who knows how, knows also when to speak.
Instances of the pungent sayings not devoid of grace, of which I spoke,He who is least like thee.
@@ -686,7 +686,7 @@
The Spartans are thus shown to be at the same time most musical and most warlike;
as their poet says. For just before their battles, the king sacrificed to the Muses, reminding his warriors, as it would seem, of their training, and of the firm decisions they had made, in order that they might be prompt to face the dread issue, and might perform such martial deeds as would be worthy of some record.leschai.
- krupteia,
or krupteia,
or In Sparta the freeman is more a freeman than anywhere else in the world, and the slave more a slave.
krupteia,
judging of his character from his mildness and justice in all other instances. To this the voice of the god also bore witness.krupteia,
judging of his character from his mildness and justice in all other instances. To this the voice of the god also bore witness.Διὸς Συλλανίου
-
Morals, p. 227 c; καλά,
ἔφη, τὰ διδασκάλια παρὰ Θηβαίων ἀπολαμβάνεις, μὴ
βουλομένους αὐτοὺς μηδὲ εἰδότας μάχεσθαι διδάξας.
τὰ μὲν οὖν
τοιαῦτα νομοθετήματα ῥήτρας ὠνόμασεν, ὡς παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ κομιζόμενα
- 2: were believed to come).1, and Bekker, with the MSS.: ἄμμες πόκʼ ἦμες ἄλκιμοι νεανίαι.
ἄμμες δὲ γʼ εἰμὲν αἰ δὲ λῇς,
- αὐγάσδεο.
ὁ δὲ τρίτος ὁ τῶν παίδων Morals, pp. 238 b, 544 e, and S (first hand): come take a try).ἄμμες δὲ γʼ ἐσσόμεσθα πολλῷ κάρρονες.
ῥέπει
Poet.
Lyr. Gr. iii.4 p. 51 (Alcman, καὶ προπεμπόμενον ὑπὸ τῶν φίλων συναχθομένων καὶ βαρέως
φερόντων, ἐδεῖτο δεῖξαι τοὺς συμπαρόντας αὐτῷ τίς ἐστιν ὁ τὴν
- ἐλευθερίας 2 with Coraës, after Bryan; 1, and Bekker.himself).ὄντας·
οὐ γὰρ ἀκούειν ὑπομένουσι
τῶν προστατεῖν μὴ δυναμένων, ἀλλʼ ἡ πειθαρχία μάθημα μέν ἐστιν τοῦ
- ἄρχοντος 2 (in critical notes).2 (in critical notes).he had slain the servant of the Muses.
And the same oracle told the people of Orchomenus, when a plague had fallen upon them, that
the only remedy was to bring back the bones of Hesiod from the land of Naupactus to the land of Orchomenus.
- Broad is the way.
- interrex
- piloi,
or pilamenai,
as we are told, there being more Greek words mingled with the Latin at that time than now.pilamenai,
as we are told, there being more Greek words mingled with the Latin at that time than now.pilamanei.
feverish
state, Rome certainly was at that time. It was brought into being at the very outset by the excessive daring and reckless courage of the boldest and most warlike spirits, who forced their way thither from all parts,
And on the iron-bound shield-handles lie the tawney spiders’ webs
; and,
rust now subdues the sharp-pointed spears and two-edged swords; no longer is the blast of brazen trumpets heard, nor are the eyelids robbed of delicious sleep.
- Blessed,
indeed, is such a wise man
in himself, and blessed, too, are those who hear the words of wisdom issuing from his lips.
- born), after Coraës.πᾶσα μὲν ἀνθρωπίνου
@@ -439,7 +439,7 @@
2.relationship).1 with AC, followed by Bekker: unmixed).waveless, serene), after Wyttenbach.phainomerides,
-
@@ -128,14 +128,14 @@
- work was no disgrace,
nor did a trade bring with it social inferiority, and the calling of a merchant was actually held in honor, since it gave him familiarity with foreign parts, friendships with foreign kings, and a large experience in affairs.
@@ -191,7 +191,7 @@
Well then,
said Anacharsis,
do thou, who art at home, make me thy friend and guest.
I’m not ashamed; in this way rather shall my name be set above
That of all other men.
- disburdenment
to this act of humanity, and to the augmentation of measures and the purchasing power of money which accompanied it.disburdenment
to this act of humanity, and to the augmentation of measures and the purchasing power of money which accompanied it.chreocopidae,
or
- hopla,
ergon,
ge,
parasitein.
- axones,
or axones,
or kurbeis.
Cratinus, also, the comic poet, somewhere says:—
- of the waning month.
The twenty-ninth was the second of the waning month, the thirtieth the Old and New.in great affairs,
as he says himself,in great affairs,
as he says himself,it is difficult to please all
), he made his ownership of a vessel an excuse for foreign travel, and set sail, after obtaining from the Athenians leave of absence for ten years. In this time he hoped they would be accustomed to his laws.
O son of Hippocrates, thou art playing the Homeric Odysseus badly; for when he disfigured himself it was to deceive his enemies
O son of Hippocrates, thou art playing the Homeric Odysseus badly; for when he disfigured himself it was to deceive his enemies
I have done all I can to help my country and its laws.
-
- ἀνταναστῆναι πύκτης ὅπως ἐς χεῖρας,
ἀνταναστῆναι πύκτης ὅπως ἐς χεῖρας,
γηράσκειν αἰεὶ πολλὰ διδασκόμενος·
γηράσκειν αἰεὶ πολλὰ διδασκόμενος·
4 p. 47).
-
- 2, p. 680): It is yours now to do the rest.
These straightway seized the young men, tore off their togas, bound their hands behind their backs, and scourged their bodies with their rods.
eminente animo patrio inter publicae poenae ministerium.
-
@@ -268,11 +268,11 @@
in concentrating all power upon himself, is not a successor to the consulate of Brutus, to which he has no right, but to time tyranny of Tarquin.
Yet why should he extol Brutus in words, while in deeds he imitates Tarquin, descending to the forum alone, escorted by all the rods and axes together, from a house no less stately than the royal house which he demolished?
For, as a matter of fact, Valerius was living in a very splendid house on the so-called Velia.Yet why should he extol Brutus in words, while in deeds he imitates Tarquin, descending to the forum alone, escorted by all the rods and axes together, from a house no less stately than the royal house which he demolished?
For, as a matter of fact, Valerius was living in a very splendid house on the so-called Velia.
-
their words for
@@ -369,13 +369,13 @@
a privilege of seniority which has continued from that day to this. But Lucretius died a few days afterwards, and in a new election Marcus Horatius was chosen consul, and shared the office with Publicola for the remainder of the year.Cast forth the dead then whither ye please, for I take no mourning upon me,
and finished his consecration. Now the announcement was not true, but Marcus thought by his falsehood to deter Horatius from his duty. Wonderful, therefore, was the firm poise of the man, whether he at once saw through the deceit, or believed the story without letting it overcome him.Cast forth the dead then whither ye please, for I take no mourning upon me,
and finished his consecration. Now the announcement was not true, but Marcus thought by his falsehood to deter Horatius from his duty. Wonderful, therefore, was the firm poise of the man, whether he at once saw through the deceit, or believed the story without letting it overcome him.